by CAA | Apr 3, 2025 | Library, Police in Schools, Police Veterans in Schools, Victoria Police Issues
An insightful article in the Australian 1st of April 2025 by Natasha Bita, ‘bells the cat’ on the reality of the environment in our schools and why the academic levels are declining, and crime committed by young people continues to escalate both in frequency and severity.
https://www.theaustralian.com.au/education/police-and-psychologists-needed-in-schools-to-deal-with-rising-violence-principals-warn/news-story/23eddf73d36353595de2c6dc73acb9dc
It is clear that we will never make inroads into these critical issues plaguing our society without the intervention the author lays out.
It is evident that poor government management is responsible; however, not all the blame can be levelled at the politicians, as the two major agencies that can make a difference are Education and the Police.
The non-action in this space by both agencies suggests that a major problem of demarcation is clouding the judgement of both.
The Police clearly think these problems in the school are the responsibility of the Schools. While that is correct, but only to a degree; the overall responsibility for Law and Order remains unequivocally with the Police, and they have failed to give this aspect of crime prevention the attention it needs, leading to the lawlessness we now endure.
Consecutive Police administrations have deliberately stood in the way of developing effective Police-in-Schools Programs, even going as far as to develop a shadow of the program to divert criticism.
From the Educator’s perspective, they have failed to establish behavioural boundaries and enforce them, coupled with maintaining basic discipline with students and parents, which has led to that profession becoming a high risk for staff and students alike. This has led to a marked decrease in academic performance in the education system.
In many ways, we are sympathetic towards the educators. School Principals’ have no access to police data that accumulates around a child who has committed crimes and attends a school.
For a child to receive a caution from the Police, it must be an offence for which the child accepts guilt, but they can front up to school the next day mixing with peers, and the educators are blissfully unaware of the criminality of the student who may well pose an unacceptable risk.
Moreover, the educators have no opportunity to work towards helping the child because they just don’t know.
Further to the issue of an Official Police Caution, a myth is promoted that children who are caught by Police committing a crime go to jail.
The vast majority of young children detected by Police committing a crime receive an Official Police Caution and, on many occasions, receive multiple cautions if they continue to offend. They are only then charged and brought before the Children’s Court, which is the only one that can jail a child.
There is some community concern about placing children in custody or remand, but by the time they are at risk of remand by a Court, the overwhelming majority of young people have already been cautioned on multiple occasions but chose to ignore warnings.
The warnings now from School Principals must be heeded.
The CAA is promoting the establishment a Youth Justice Panel to explore the issue and make recommendations on how the issue of Juvenile behaviour can be modified.
The need for Police in schools has never been more important than now.
by CAA | Mar 27, 2025 | Illicit Drugs, Library
Police are charging more drug dealers with manslaughter in fentanyl overdose deaths. But the shift is not satisfying everyone.
CAA Comment
This article raises very interesting concepts in relation to the management of criminals involved in the drug trade more broadly.
Canada is leading the world in making players in the drug scene accountable for their actions by charging dealers with manslaughter who sell drugs that ultimately cause a person’s death. We are unaware of any investigations of that nature into drug overdose deaths in this country; perhaps there should be.
Notably, there is a counterargument inferring that targeting low-level dealers but not charging those higher up the pecking order is not the right way to go. However, the higher you go, the more difficult it is and the greater chance of no success.
Again, the Canadians have used existing laws and some lateral applications rather than creating mayhem trying to enact new specific laws to deal with the problem.
We have seen here a lack of enthusiasm to use existing laws in creative ways to deal with a number of issues putting pressure on the Courts to deal with.
An ingrained attitude toward the Law, or more precisely, the legislation, by Law enforcement is very negative when it comes to its application. A can’t-do attitude prevails over can-do, a sign of law enforcement’s poor leadership.
Of course, arguing against targeting low-level dealers means that any impact on the drug market will be minimised, but targeting the low-level dealers will not only force those up the chain to slurry their hands to keep their trade alive as low-level dealers are removed, but their identity will be more exposed.
As we have argued before, the only way to deal with the Drug epidemic is to target the marketing model, damaging that deters the trade better than any prosecution, although targeted prosecutions must be part of that strategy.
Deterring customers is the primary objective of any disruption.
*****************
Four years ago, Tyler Ginn died of a fentanyl overdose at the age of 18. Tyler’s father found his son unresponsive in the bedroom of their Brooklin, Ont., home.
For Tyler’s mother, Gayle Fowlie, the pain of his loss remains raw.
“He was my kid that rode his bike to the store to buy me a chocolate bar on my birthday, you know?” she told Canadian Affairs in an interview.
Police charged Jacob Norn, the drug dealer who sold Tyler his final, fatal dose, with manslaughter. More than three years after Tyler’s death, Norn was convicted and sentenced to six years in prison.
“I don’t think you can grasp how difficult going through a trial is,” Fowlie said. “On TV, it’s a less than an hour process. But the pain of it, and going over every detail and then going over every detail again … it provides details you wish you didn’t know.”
But Fowlie is glad Norn was convicted. If anything, she would have liked him to serve a longer sentence. Lawyers have told her Norn is likely to serve only two to four years of his sentence in prison.
“My son’s never coming back [and] his whole family has a life sentence of missing him the rest of our lives,” she said. “So do I think four years is fair? No.”
Norn’s case reflects a growing trend of drug dealers being charged with manslaughter when their drug sales lead to fatal overdoses.
But this shift has not satisfied everyone. Some would like to see drug dealers face harsher or different penalties.
“If we say that it was 50 per cent Tyler’s fault for buying it and 50 per cent Jacob’s fault for selling it … then I think he should have a half-a-life sentence,” said Fowlie.
Others say the legal system’s focus on prosecuting low-level drug dealers misses the broader issues at play.
“[Police] decided, in the Jacob Norn case, they were going to go one stage back,” said Peter Thorning, who was Norn’s defence lawyer.
“What about the person who gave Jacob that substance? What about the person who supplied the substance to [that person]? There was no investigation into where it came from and who was ultimately responsible for the death of that young man.”
Manslaughter charge
At least 50,000 Canadians have died from drug overdoses since 2016. Last year, an average of 21 individuals died each day, with fentanyl accounting for nearly 80 per cent of those deaths.
Fentanyl, a synthetic opioid, is up to 50 times stronger than heroin and 100 times stronger than morphine. A dose as small as a few grains of salt can be lethal.
Given its potency, police and prosecutors have increasingly turned to manslaughter charges when a dealer’s product results in a fatal overdose.
A recent study in the Canadian Journal of Law and Society found that the number of manslaughter charges laid for drug-related deaths in Canada surged from three cases in 2016 to 135 in 2021.
Individuals can be convicted of manslaughter for committing unlawful, reckless or negligent acts that result in death but where there was no intention to kill. Sentences can range from probation (in rare cases) to life.
Murder charges, by contrast, require an intent to kill or cause fatal harm. Drug dealers typically face manslaughter charges in overdose cases, as their intent is to distribute drugs, not to kill those who purchase them.
Joanne Bortoluss, a spokesperson for the Durham Regional Police, which charged Norn, said that each of their investigations follows the same fundamental process.
“Investigators consider the strength of the evidence, the dealer’s level of involvement, and applicable laws when determining whether to pursue charges like manslaughter,” she said.
The Canadian Journal of Law and Society study also found that prosecutions often target low-level dealers, many of whom are drug users themselves and have personal connections to the deceased.
Norn’s case fits this pattern. He struggled with substance abuse, including addiction to fentanyl, Xanax and Percocet. Tyler and Norn were friends, the judge said in the court ruling, although Fowlie disputes this claim.
“[Those words] are repulsive to me,” she said.
The Crown argued Norn demonstrated “a high degree of moral blameworthiness” by warning Ginn of the fentanyl’s potency while still selling it to him. In a call to Ginn, he warned him “not to do a lot of the stuff” because he “didn’t want to be responsible for anything that happened.”
Fowlie’s outrage over Norn’s lenient sentencing is compounded by the fact that Norn was found trafficking fentanyl again after her son’s death.
“So we’ve killed somebody, and we’re still … trafficking? We’re not worried who else we kill?” Fowlie said.
Trafficking
Some legal sources noted that manslaughter charges do not necessarily lead to harsh sentences or deterrence.
“If you look at how diverse and … lenient some sentences are for manslaughter, I don’t think it really pushes things in the direction that [victims’ families] want,” said Kevin Westell, a Vancouver-based trial lawyer and former chair of the Canadian Bar Association.
Westell noted that the term “manslaughter” is misleading. “Manslaughter is a brutal-sounding title, but it encapsulates a very broad span of criminal offences,” he said.
In Westell’s view, consistently charging dealers with drug trafficking could be more effective for deterring the practice.
“What really matters is how long the sentence is, and you’re better off saying, ‘We know fentanyl is dangerous, so we’re setting the sentence quite high,’ rather than making it harder to prove with a manslaughter charge,” he said.
Trafficking is a distinct charge from manslaughter that involves the distribution, sale or delivery of illicit drugs. The sentencing range for fentanyl trafficking is eight to 15 years, Kwame Bonsu, a media relations representative for the Department of Justice, told Canadian Affairs.
“Courts must impose sentences that are proportionate to the gravity of the offence and the degree of responsibility of the offender,” Bonsu said, referencing a 2021 Supreme Court of Canada decision. Bonsu noted that aggravating factors such as lack of remorse or trafficking large quantities can lead to harsher sentences.
‘Head of the snake’
Some legal experts noted the justice system often fails to target those higher up in the drug supply chain.
“We don’t know how many hands that drug goes through,” said Thorning, the defence lawyer.
“Are the police going to prosecute every single person who provides fentanyl to another person? Jacob [Norn] was himself an addict trafficker — what about the person who supplied the substance to him?”
Thorning also questioned whether government agencies bear some responsibility. “Is some government agency’s failure to investigate how that drug came into the country partly responsible for the young man’s death?”
Westell, who has served as both a Crown prosecutor and criminal defence lawyer, acknowledged the difficulty of targeting higher-level traffickers.
“Cutting off the head of the snake does not align very well with the limitations of the international borders,” he said.
“Yes, there are transnational justice measures, but a lot gets lost, and as soon as you cross an international border of any kind, it becomes incredibly difficult to follow the chain in a linear way.”
Bortoluss, of the Durham police, said even prosecuting what appear to be obvious fentanyl-related deaths — such as Tyler Ginn’s — can be challenging. Witnesses can be reluctant to cooperate, fearing legal consequences. It can also be difficult to identify the source of drugs, as “transactions often involve multiple intermediaries and anonymous online sales.”
Another challenge in deterring fentanyl trafficking is the strong financial incentives of the trade.
“Even if [Norn] serves two to four years for killing somebody, but he could make a hundred thousand off of selling drugs, is it worth it?” Fowlie said.
Thorning agreed that the profit incentive can be incredibly powerful, outweighing the risk of a potential sentence.
“The more risky you make the behaviour, the greater the profit for a person who’s willing to break our laws, and the profit is the thing that generates the conduct,” he said.
A blunt instrument
Legal experts also noted the criminal justice system alone cannot solve the fentanyl crisis.
“Most people who have [lost] a loved one [to drug overdose] want to see a direct consequence to the person that’s responsible,” said Westell. “But I think they would also like to see something on a more macro level that helps eliminate the problem more holistically, and that can’t be [achieved through] crime and punishment alone.”
Thorning agrees.
“These are mental health .. [and] medical issues,” he said. “Criminal law is a blunt instrument [that is] not going to deal with these things effectively.”
Even Fowlie sees the problem as bigger than sentencing. Her son struggled with the stigma associated with therapy and medication, which made it difficult for him to seek help.
“We need to normalize seeing a therapist, like we normalize getting your eyes checked every year,” she said.
by CAA | Mar 13, 2025 | Library, Politics, Youth
The vastly belated announcement by Victoria’s Labor Government of strengthened bail laws is welcomed. The Community Advocacy Alliance Inc. (CAA) warned ten years ago that Victoria would face a juvenile crime tsunami. We were ignored. Consequently, the number of victims of crime, and particularly of crimes of violence by juveniles has reached totally unacceptable levels.
The changes to bail laws and reintroduction of offences for criminal acts committed while on bail is a necessary move.
These steps are a government reaction to community pressure.
However, the real solution to juvenile crime can only come from the immediate introduction of proactive measures.
Every school must be required to immediately introduce a code of conduct for students. The standards of behaviour required must be clearly articulated and enforced.
A primary function of the school curriculum must be teaching the basics of good citizenship.
The CAA can provide the structure of a program, based on ten themes, which would make a real and lasting difference to the future behaviour of most students. This program should be delivered by police in schools. This format was very successful in Victoria from 1989 to 2006 as evidenced by a study by Monash University released in 2004.
We call on the Government to immediately take the next essential proactive step and reintroduce the Police in Schools Program. The CAA is willing to assist.
by CAA | Mar 9, 2025 | Illicit Drugs, Library
Health Canada launches two new drug detection units to fight fentanyl trafficking—but will they be enough?
CAA Comment
The insightful series of articles by Break the Needle gives an evolutionary overview of illicit drug use in Australia as we follow the patterns experienced in Canada.
Fortunately, the Canadian reality is, in our estimation, five years ahead of where Australia is now.
Unfortunately, our civic leaders tend to have their heads in the sand. They are blissfully hoping that the drug strategies that have been allowed to develop will somehow work in Australia, where they have failed miserably in Canada.
Whether it is the misuse of Harm Minimisation practices, allowing pressure groups to drive a pro-drug agenda or whether there is insidious pressure from the criminal element.
On the point of pressure on civic leaders from the criminal elements, we have no evidence to suggest that is happening, but we must be alert to the possibility, as the Illicit Drug industry is milking Billions of dollars from this illicit trade, so it is reasonable to presume that if the opportunity arises, the drug industry will exploit leaders for their own benefit.
Australia is not immune from clandestine laboratories manufacturing illegal drugs. Recently 178 charges were laid against 41 people after a Police raid on Labs in Biloela, Gladstone and Gracemere in Queensland. Herald Sun
Sophisticated Labs are here, generally used to manufacture Methamphetamine. But that may only be a step towards Fentanyl. The Crime Intelligence Commission (Aus) National Wastewater Drug Monitoring makes for an interesting read.
Of course, Governments will cry poor, but they must privately realise that fighting the war now and hard will have positive fiscal benefits in the future and may also save many wasted lives.
In October 2024, the RCMP dismantled the largest known fentanyl operation in Canada’s history. The fentanyl superlab was located on a remote, 66-hectare property in the forests of interior B.C.
In its raid, the police discovered black-market chemists were mixing massive quantities of precursor chemicals — some imported from China and others synthesized domestically. These chemicals had been used to produce some 54 kg of fentanyl.
Canadian authorities are now intensifying their efforts to stop the flow of precursor chemicals into Canada for illegal purposes.
On Dec. 17, Ottawa launched two new initiatives — the Canadian Drug Profiling Centre and the Chemical Precursor Risk Management Unit — as part of a broader $1.3-billion border security plan.
These new units represent an important step in addressing Canada’s growing drug crisis, sources say. However, it remains uncertain how effective they will be in confronting the rapidly evolving drug trade.
Flow of drugs
In the late 1990s and early 2010s, opioids like OxyContin were widely prescribed in North America, leading to widespread addiction and misuse.
In the early 2010s, Canada and the U.S. introduced stricter regulations to limit opioid prescriptions, making pharmaceutical opioids harder to obtain.
As access declined, many individuals with opioid dependencies turned to heroin as a substitute, fuelling a heroin epidemic in the early to mid-2010s.
By 2016-2017, fentanyl had largely replaced heroin in the illegal drug supply due to its lower cost, higher potency and the ease of smuggling it. Chinese manufacturers played a key role in supplying synthetic opioids like fentanyl to North America.
In 2019, under pressure from the U.S. and Canada, China imposed strict controls on fentanyl exports, disrupting the supply of ready-made fentanyl to both countries.
Yet the drug market adapted quickly.
A 2021 Canada Border Services Agency briefing document revealed a growing trend in Canada’s importation of precursor chemicals, fueling the rise of homegrown fentanyl production.
That same year, authorities in Australia busted their largest-ever illicit fentanyl shipment hidden in industrial equipment sent from Canada — proving Canadian fentanyl production was not limited to serving a domestic market.
By 2023, the RCMP had publicly confirmed Canada had become a producer and exporter of fentanyl.
“Sadly, Canada is a producing country of fentanyl and synthetic opioids,” Mathieu Bertrand, chief superintendent of the RCMP’s Serious and Organized Crime & Border Integrity Unit, told reporters in November 2023. “Not only are we a producing country, but we’re also an export country.”
Bertrand suggested this shift indicated either a surplus of fentanyl in Canada, or that organized crime groups operating in Canada had identified more lucrative markets abroad.
During the October 2024 lab bust in B.C., RCMP said production levels far exceeded demand from local consumers, suggesting it was being manufactured to meet foreign demand.
A June 2024 briefing by Global Affairs Canada to the House of Commons revealed that U.S. authorities were seizing Canada-produced fentanyl in the U.S.
Inside the drug superlab in Falkland, B.C., after being discovered by RCMP on October 31, 2024. (RCMP)
Smuggling methods
In response to a request for comment, the Canada Border Services Agency acknowledged the rise in imports of precursor chemicals.
“Over the last few years, the [Canada Border Services Agency] has seen an increase in the importation of precursor chemicals for the domestic production of illegal drugs,” agency spokesperson Jacqueline Roby told Canadian Affairs in an emailed statement.
Roby said the agency already uses tools such as handheld devices, X-ray machines and detector dogs to intercept shipments at the border.
Marie-Eve Breton, an RCMP media relations officer, said the task of finding precursor chemicals becomes very difficult if they are not intercepted at the border.
“Once the regulated chemicals have entered the country, it becomes more difficult to investigate as no legislative tools exist to address the illegal possession,” Breton told Canadian Affairs in an emailed statement.
But she also noted the difficulty of intercepting products at the border.
“Precursor and essential chemicals can be easily mislabelled and smuggled into the country,” she said. “Often, these chemicals enter Canada legally to support industry in the production of legal goods and products available for domestic use and international trade.”
Precursor chemicals such as ephedrine and pseudoephedrine, for example, have legitimate uses — such as to produce pharmaceuticals and fertilizers — but are also used to produce methamphetamine.
Similarly, acetic anhydride is used to produce products like perfumes and aspirin, but is also essential in fentanyl production.
New drug units
The recently launched Canadian Drug Profiling Centre and Chemical Precursor Risk Management Unit will strengthen government efforts to intercept and respond to precursor chemicals. The RCMP and the Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police are working with Health Canada to set up both units.
The Canadian Drug Profiling Centre will focus on analyzing synthetic drug samples seized by law enforcement. The centre will use chemical markers to trace substances back to their production source, identify manufacturing methods and potentially locate criminal networks.
“The analysis will help to identify trends and patterns to inform on the origin, distribution, and manufacture patterns of the drugs [and] profiling analyses will help better understand how distributors and drug dealers are changing or modifying the drugs,” said Tammy Jarbeau, a media relations advisor for Health Canada.
According to Jarbeau, the centre will support up to 2,000 investigations annually.
The Chemical Precursor Risk Management Unit will monitor and assess precursor chemicals seized at the border and through law enforcement operations.
If evidence shows that a “precursor is being detected at the border or used in clandestine laboratories,” it will trigger a scientific assessment by Health Canada to determine whether the substance should be classified as an emerging precursor chemical, said Jarbeau.
Drugs that are classified as chemical precursors under federal drug regulations can be regulated, monitored and restricted to help law enforcement better address illicit drug production.
Health Canada is proposing legal amendments to list equipment that are used in the production of illegal drugs, such as tablet presses and capsule filling machines.
Jarbeau says the proposed amendments would also require companies such as pharmacies and veterinary clinics to report suspicious transactions, conduct background checks for personnel handling precursor chemicals and limit sales of certain precursors.
But the illicit drug trade is mercurial, especially for fentanyl.
“The potency of fentanyl means that many fewer clandestine laboratories are required to produce a given supply … As a result, there are many less fentanyl labs, which makes them easier to conceal and harder to identify for police,” said Wright of the Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police.
“Sophisticated organized crime groups are well versed in police tactics and investigative methods.”
by CAA | Mar 2, 2025 | Illicit Drugs, Library, Politics, Safe Injecting Rooms
“The Victorian Gambling and Casino Control Commission will move from its Richmond office as fears grow for staff after a rise in anti-Semitic messages, and assaults and verbal abuse from users of the nearby injecting room.” Anthony Templeton Herald Sun Feb 27, 2025.
‘Oh diddums, how terrible what the poor employees of VGCCC must put up with during their working day, but hang on, their working days are predominately at home, aren’t they?
Unlike the residents of Richmond, they only need to expose themselves to the reality of drugs spasmodically. The rest of the Richmond residents deal with this issue 24/7 without respite.
Located right next door, within 15 meters of the Richmond North Primary School, things are so bad locals have advised the CAA that children at this Primary School are exposed to addicts engaged in sex acts from their classroom window at the back of the MSIR and Prostitutes are a common site plying their wares in the vicinity of the MSIR.
Moreover, the children are exposed to experiences no child should endure because the Medically Supervised Injecting Room MSIR, or more correctly, the Safe Drug Injecting Room, ‘safe’, meaning beyond the Law, not the illicit product drug users inject, so close to the school the children cannot avoid interaction with drug users.
The absolute hypocrisy of Government is laid bare, with the residents and traders of Richmond left holding the bag and suffering the impact of the Richmond Injecting room without respite. At the same time, the Government packs up the bags of the VGCCC to relocate it to a more salubrious area away from the disgusting behaviours and lawlessness of Richmond.
Moving the VGCCC because of the Injecting room nearby, some 500 meters or ½ mile away, and the environment in the vicinity of the MSIR, which is overrun with addicts and anti-social behaviour, threatening the safety of VGCCC staff, is an outright admission that the Government has failed the community.
500 meters from the VGCCC compared to 15 meters for a Primary school and 20 meters from residents’ homes. It would be much more practical to repurpose or move the injecting room. It would also be substantially cheaper than moving a Government Department.
The move will be costly and disrupt the operations of the Department. With the State under financial pressure, it would be a whole lot smarter to save an expensive move and use those funds to repurpose the injecting room into an outreach drug treatment facility or a drug triage centre to manage addicts.
The government has already spent $14m on upgrading security, which is not good enough for the VGCCC. They would instead be relocated to the CBD.
VGCCC chief executive Annette Kimmitt, as reported in the HS, said,
“Feedback from staff (including our most recent People Matter survey) reflects growing fear for personal safety while at work and when travelling to and from the office,” she said in the letter.
“We continue to witness and experience other anti-social and criminal activity, including drug and alcohol-related violence, drug dealing and other intimidating behaviour.
“Colleagues have witnessed the brazen exchange of cash for drugs, people injecting drugs near the building and subsequently large numbers of dangerously discarded syringes.”
Ms Kimmitt said increasing anti-Semitic material – such as graffiti, posters and stickers – was also creating an unsafe environment.”
To ‘add insult to injury’, Ms Kimmitt was also reported as saying.
..“Our relocation will impact the many hardworking small businesses, particularly the food outlets that rely on our foot traffic,” she said.
To rub salt into the wound the condescending sympathy expressed by Kimmitt is well ‘beyond the pale’.
In a State ‘crying poor’, to spend the money on relocating an entire Government Department simply because the vicinity of their offices is not to their liking is an absolute disgrace.
We guestimate that this move will cost the taxpayers $100’s of Millions of dollars by the time the new digs have a bespoke fit-out, all the VGCCC technology hardware is relocated or replaced, and all the other costs incurred, including the properties to be vacated or occupied.
We note that Ms. Kimmitt was not forthcoming about a budget for the exercise.
Yarra Mayor Stephen Jolly also weighed into the debate, claiming a dedicated plan to revitalise the area was needed, with more police, financial support for existing businesses and a plan to attract new traders.
“What we are seeing is a ghetto in the making, and we have to stop it; a Disneyland for drug users has been created,” he said.
Unfortunately, the good Mayor is promoting the relocation of the MSIR; however, relocating, an easy option, will not contribute to the lowering of the number of users who die and the disquiet that the community suffers. It will be suffered elsewhere with another community.
There is no good place to have an MSIR. However, there are plenty of places for a Drug user’s resource where the primary function is to ensure their addiction is addressed, not just facilitate their continued addiction, the function of the MSIR.
It is inevitable that wherever it is relocated, the problems will only follow.
Closing this MSIR and re-allocating the MSIR operating costs to bespoke drug management centres should be the strategy to clean up Richmond. A zero-tolerance approach by saturation Policing will encourage users to vacate the area and, without the magnate of an MSIR elsewhere, will move back to their normal local. Dispersing the addicts will damage the Dealers who are the major and only beneficiary of attracting users to one location.
Although there is a myth that surrounds the MSIR that it reduces deaths from overdoses, the Coroners Annual Reports paints a different picture.
The latest Coroners figures reveal that in Victoria, there were 601 deaths in 2024, the highest recorded spike in deaths since the 550 recorded in 2022, two years after the MSIR was opened.
So, the MSIR has had no appreciable impact on reducing deaths – it is a failed strategy.
To rely on MSIR figures is problematic as it uses figures for the Local Government Area, which is disingenuous because the majority of the drug users frequenting the MSIR and its surrounds are not locals but from other areas. Many of the people overdosing at the MSIR or vicinity are transported to hospital, where they are declared dead. Therefore, the place of death is registered outside the Yarra LGA, fudging the figures.
Victoria spends Millions of dollars annually to reduce road deaths with some success. However, the educational approach cannot succeed without parallel initiatives to ensure that our road infrastructure and vehicles are safe and road laws are enforced.
During 2023 in this State, the road toll was 282, and with 601 Drug overdose deaths in the same period, over twice as many lives were lost to drugs. Yet expenditure on addressing the drug problem is so minimal as to be close to non-existent.
Governments are ignoring the drug problem, hoping it will go away, influenced by those who promote illicit drug use as a recreational activity and any intervention as a breach of the freedom of choice. That same twisted logic would remove all speed restrictions and leave vehicle speeds to the driver’s freedom of choice.
The most disturbing part of the death comparisons is the value our governments put on a life.
A drug user’s life is worthless compared to a road user.
It is well past time that the government takes some responsibility for the drug epidemic and invokes strategies that have an impact, not just indulge in occasional talkfests.
The current cost of the drug epidemic, and history shows it will continue to spiral downward, should be motivation enough to take serious action, but not, as governments continue to be swayed by the failed Harm Minimization strategies without the supporting fragments of the Three Pillars strategies.
It is past time that involuntary treatment was introduced as a cornerstone of the approach to drug use, and while the opponents to such a move scream, ‘What about the person’s rights?’.
Their right to life should transcend their other rights; they can have them back when they are well.
by CAA | Feb 26, 2025 | Illicit Drugs, Library, Politics
The US has had a drug czar for decades. Experts share how this position has shaped US drug policy—and what it could mean for Canada
CAA Comment-
While the concept of a Drug czar has some merit, we are loath to promote and create another arm of government unless there are compelling justifications. The cost of establishing an effective Czar concept would outweigh the benefits, and the money would be better spent on new initiatives on the demand side of the drug trade.
The risk of the czar concept is that it can be too easily manipulated for political gain rather than effectively addressing the problem. We have already seen in Australia how the pro-drug lobby and sympathisers have hijacked and promoted Harm Minimisation that has not contributed to a reduction in drug use. There is, however, an argument that Harm minimisation has had the opposite effect by providing quasi-support for drug use and providing users with justification for their behaviour.
The CAA strongly believes in a two-pronged strategy: the users, or the demand side, are subjected to strict law enforcement backed up by non-voluntary intervention to address the users’ health issues.
While not turning a blind eye to the supply side, the most effective method to damage the supply trade is to reduce the demand, and in Austria, the Demand side is driving the unfettered expansion of the drug trade.
The present settings ensure the end users are treated like expendable fodder, feeding the drug lords’ insatiable appetite for wealth and power.
Every step to reduce demand adversely impacts the drug trade, driving down drug prices.
The drug scourge can only be managed by the principle of market forces.
The current strategies have not worked and never will. The sooner they are dumped the better for the community and drug users alike.
Last week, Canada announced it would appoint a “fentanyl czar” to crack down on organised crime and border security.
The move is part of a suite of security measures designed to address US President Donald Trump’s concerns about fentanyl trafficking and forestall the imposition of 25 per cent tariffs on Canadian goods.
David Hammond, a health sciences professor and research chair at the University of Waterloo, says, “There is no question that Canada would benefit from greater leadership and coordination in substance use policy.”
But whether Canada’s fentanyl czar “meets these needs will depend entirely on the scope of their mandate,” he told Canadian Affairs in an email.
Canadian authorities have so far provided few details about the fentanyl czar’s powers and mandate.
A Feb. 4 government news release says the czar will focus on intelligence sharing and collaborating with US counterparts. Canada’s Public Safety Minister, David McGuinty, said in a Feb. 4 CNN interview that the position “will transcend any one part of the government … [It] will pull together a full Canadian national response — between our provinces, our police of local jurisdiction, and work with our American authorities.”
Canada’s approach to the position may take cues from the US, which has long had its own drug czar. Canadian Affairs spoke to several US historians of drug policy to better understand the nature and focus of this role in the US.
The first drug czar
The term “czar” refers to high-level officials who oversee specific policy areas and have broad authority across agencies.
Today, the US drug czar’s official title is director of the Office of National Drug Control Policy. The director is appointed by the president and responsible for advising the president and coordinating a national drug strategy.
Taleed El-Sabawi, a legal scholar and public health policy expert at Wayne State University in Detroit, Mich., said the Office of National Drug Control Policy has two branches: a law enforcement branch focused on drug supply, and a public health branch focused on demand for drugs.
“Traditionally, the supply side has been the focus and the demand side has taken a side seat,” El-Sabawi said.
David Herzberg, a historian at University at Buffalo in Buffalo, N.Y., made a similar observation.
“US drug policy has historically been dominated by moral crusading — eliminating immoral use of drugs, and policing [or] punishing the immoral people (poor, minority, and foreign/traffickers) responsible for it,” Herzberg told Canadian Affairs in an email.
Harry Anslinger, who was appointed in 1930 as the first commissioner of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics, is considered the earliest iteration of the US drug czar. The bureau later merged into the Drug Enforcement Administration, the lead federal agency responsible for enforcing US drug laws.
Anslinger prioritized enforcement, and his impact was complex.
“He was part of a movement to characterize addicts as depraved and inferior individuals and he supported punitive responses not just to drug dealing but also to drug use,” said Caroline Acker, professor emerita of history at Carnegie Mellon University in Pittsburgh, Pa.
But Anslinger also cracked down on the pharmaceutical industry. He restricted opioid production, effectively making it a low-profit, tightly controlled industry, and countered pharmaceutical public relations campaigns with his own.
“The Federal Bureau of Narcotics [at the time could] in fact be seen as the most robust national consumer protection agency, with powers to regulate and constrain major corporations that the [Food and Drug Administration] could only dream of,” said Herzberg.
The punitive approach to drugs put in place by Anslinger was the dominant model until the Nixon administration. In 1971, President Richard Nixon created an office dedicated to drug abuse prevention and appointed Jerome Jaffe as drug czar.
Jaffe established a network of methadone treatment facilities across the US. Nixon initially combined public health and law enforcement to combat rising heroin use among Vietnam War soldiers, calling addiction the nation’s top health issue.
However, Nixon later reverted back to an enforcement approach when he used drug policy to target Black communities and anti-war activists.
“We knew we couldn’t make it illegal to be either against the war or Black, but by getting the public to associate the hippies with marijuana and Blacks with heroin, and then criminalising both heavily, we could disrupt those communities,” Nixon’s top domestic policy aide, John Ehrlichman, said in a 1994 interview.
Michael Botticelli, Acting Director of the Office of National Drug Control Policy March 7, 2014 – Jan. 20, 2017 under President Barack Obama. [Photo Credit: Executive Office of the President of the United States]
Back and forth
More recently, in 2009, President Barack Obama appointed Michael Botticelli as drug czar. Botticelli was the first person in active recovery to hold the role.
The Obama administration recognised addiction as a chronic brain disease, a view already accepted in scientific circles but newly integrated into national drug policy. It reduced drug possession sentences and emphasised prevention and treatment.
Trump, who succeeded Obama in 2016, prioritised law enforcement while rolling back harm reduction. In 2018, his administration called for the death penalty for drug traffickers, and in 2019, he sued to block a supervised consumption site in Philadelphia, Pa.
Trump appointed James Carroll as drug czar in 2017. But in 2018 Trump proposed slashing the office’s budget by more than 90 per cent and transferring authority for key drug programs to other agencies. Lawmakers blocked the plan, however, and the Office of National Drug Control Policy remained intact.
In 2022, President Joe Biden appointed Dr. Rahul Gupta, the first medical doctor to serve as drug czar. Herzberg says Gupta also prioritised treatment, by, for example, expanding access to naloxone and addiction medications. But he also cracked down on drug trafficking.
In December 2024, Gupta outlined America’s international efforts to combat fentanyl trafficking, naming China, Mexico, Colombia and India as key players — but not Canada.
Gupta’s last day was Jan. 19. Trump has yet to appoint someone to the role.
Canada’s fentanyl czar
El-Sabawi says she views Canada’s appointment of a drug czar as a signal that the government will be focused on supply-side law enforcement initiatives.
Hammond, the University of Waterloo professor, says he hopes efforts to address Canada’s drug problems focus on both the supply and demand sides of the equation.
“Supply-side measures are an important component of substance use policy, but limited in their effectiveness when they are not accompanied by demand-side policies,” he said.
The Canada Border Services Agency and Health Canada redirected Canadian Affairs’ inquiries about the new fentanyl czar role to Public Safety Canada. Public Safety Canada did not respond to multiple requests for comment before publication.
El-Sabawi suggests the entire drug czar role needs rethinking.
“I think the role needs to be re-envisioned as one that is more of a coordinator [across] the administrative branch on addiction and overdose issues … as opposed to what it is now, which is really a mouthpiece — symbolic,” she said.
“Most drug czars don’t get much done.”
by CAA | Feb 23, 2025 | Library, Victoria Police Issues
Speaking with police to try to understand the application of Proactive, Reactive, Broken Windows, or Zero tolerance policing philosophies really depends on which Police member you speak with. They will all have knowledge or an opinion, but the confusion starts when it comes to examples.
Adding to the confusion, the CAA has spoken to many senior Police, and even they can’t agree or have little understanding of the concepts, so what hope has the Constable on the street have of implementing a coherent Policing philosophy for Victoria’s Force?
On this front, the chances of the public knowing are next to zilch.
Put simply, proactive policing prevents crime, while reactive policing deals with crimes already committed.
Proactive policing
Proactive policing is often maligned and misunderstood, seen by many as the soft option and ineffective by avoiding the harsh reality of policing.
Arguably the most effective method of Policing, it cannot be successful without a Reactive function in support, not the other way around.
The assumption that Proactive policing is avoiding arrests is a long way from the reality of a good proactive strategy. A far better policing approach is needed, given the reluctance of courts to manage recidivists adequately.
The best way to understand the Proactive reactive dilemma is through examples.
One proactive strategy is instigating Police patrols in the community, which are frequent but unpredictable and highly visible. They must be conducted so that the community can become accustomed to the Police presence and can rely on the presence to become part of the community fabric. While 24-hour patrols would be challenging to manage, having frequent patrols on multiple days every week would improve community confidence. This is where proactive policing is most effective – preventing crime before it happens.
Amongst the best examples of proactive projects were the formal Police In Schools Program (PSIP), Operation New Start and the Blue Light Disco. Frontline police developed the latter two and were not top-down initiatives, which added to their success. To deal with particular children, the three initiatives work together: Operation New Start working with the local Police member in the PSIP program to ensure the child gets to school, and Blue Light providing the child with entertainment and, if necessary, funding the child’s education.
There are a plethora of other examples ranging from working and building positive relationships with children of the next generation susceptible to unlawful behaviours to forms of communication with the community to reinforce compliance with the law as opposed to the vast majority of police resources applied to the reactive function where the police are isolated from the general public, either ensconced in vehicles (many with tinted windows) or police stations. There has been a substantial reduction in Police Station opening hours, and those that are open are neither welcoming nor convenient for the public, as security has been so overdone as to take the human factor out of Police Station interactions.
As history shows, the risk to police in a Police Station is extremely low, and the security should be commensurate with the risk.
Because the security levels are not commensurate with the risks, they adversely impact Service delivery, making it a chore to try to report a crime to a local Police Station. People are encouraged to report crime on the Police Advice line 113444- service efficiency at the cost-of-service delivery.
The phoned-in crime report has to be handled multiple times rather than the police member to whom the crime is reported at a Police Station taking responsibility for investigating the crime; the centralised reporting is inefficient writ large.
Reactive Policing
A reactive vehicle or foot patrol responds to a perceived or known threat to the community. It is usually targeted at a specific criminal or anti-social activity and is maintained until that threat is passed.
It is often spasmodic but fails to imbue confidence in the community over a more extended period.
We are not suggesting that reactive patrols are unimportant because they are sometimes essential, but not at the expense of proactive community patrols.
Of the Reactive strategies, probably the most contentious is the proliferation of Task Forces and special duties units, which, by design, are clearly Reactive because some criminal event/s motivates their creation and determines their function.
We were shocked to hear one of Victoria’s most senior executives claim that task forces are proactive and absolute rubbish.
Task Forces have an essential role to play, and there will always be a need for a number, but the reality in Policing in Victoria over the last decade or so is that inept leaders have automatically opted for a Task Force to solve the operational problems they face with little thought to the impact on the overall policing by removing police from the front line to fill the Task Force positions.
There seems to be a belief in the upper echelons of the Force that on most high-profile issues, where the community demands to see action, the most visible (and most straightforward) to quell community disquiet is to establish a Task Force.
A police pragmatist would see the Task Force approach, in many, but not all cases, as an inefficient use of police resources; a better approach would be to reduce crime from happening in the first place by maintaining an adequate number of Police on the front line.
Front-line members at the various Police Stations and Criminal Investigation Units providing face-to-face Police service to the community should be untouchable for other duties, not the first point of call.
Another problem with task forces is that they have no sunset clause, so they can run on for years and, in many cases, allow prime targets to continue their criminal activity uninterrupted. Targeting a crook to charge them with more serious crimes, or the equivalent of police nirvana, is sometimes ridiculous when prosecuting lesser offences more frequently will achieve a better outcome than THE BIG ONE.
The proactive patrols will still catch and charge perpetrators.
Broken Window Theory
A lot has been written about the Broken Windows policing philosophy, which was made famous because of its effectiveness in reducing crime in New York some years ago. The theory is as relevant today as it was when it was used in the US.
This approach has police intervening in all levels of social disorder and crime, and rather than drive or walk past anti-social behaviour; the police must intervene and, where an offence has been committed, charge the perpetrator and leave the Court to resolve the matter.
In criminology, the broken windows theory states that visible signs of crime, antisocial behaviour and civil disorder create an urban environment that encourages further crime and disorder, including serious crimes.[1] The theory suggests that policing methods that target minor crimes, such as vandalism, loitering, public drinking and fare evasion, help to create an atmosphere of order and lawfulness
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Broken_windows_theory
James Q. Wilson and George L. Kelling first introduced the broken windows theory in an article titled “Broken Windows” in the March 1982 issue of The Atlantic Monthly:
The role of police management is critical, liaising with the appropriate authorities to keep on top of the visible signs of crime and antisocial behaviour brought to their attention by Police on the streets.
An argument that the Courts couldn’t handle an influx of minor offences is not a police problem. However, a Constable always has the discretion to issue a warning and should have the power to issue a notice to an offender to receive an official warning at a Police Station, irrespective of age. Failure to participate would automatically see the summonses or a Court Attendance Notice issued for the alleged indiscretion.
Zero Tolerance Philosophy
Of all the theories of Policing that are touted, this is one that we vehemently reject predominantly because it removes the Common Law discretion that a sworn Police Constable has to prosecute or not.
Without discretion, Police become robotic, void of compassion and their effectiveness would be severely diminished as the community would wholeheartedly reject this approach.
The CAA hopes that the new Chief Commissioner will rapidly bring the Force into balance between the Proactive and Reactive approaches, adjusting the pendulum to favour proactive policing by a small margin.
Making this change may be resisted by the uninformed, but it will be short-lived; as the adoption of proactive strategies starts to take effect, there will be positive reactions from the members. It does take a bit of time, but many of us have seen this before, as the conversion rate from reactive to proactive became a prominent strategy. The crime rate fell dramatically as the initiatives grew from the bottom up and started to have an effect.
To implement these philosophies, the Force needs to present an authoritative stance to the community, and we encourage the Chief Commissioner to dispense with the black (Salute Blue) uniform shirts allegedly designed to make the Force look tougher and return to the lighter blue shirts more consistent with other Australian police forces.
Reintroducing the compulsory wearing of the Police cap, the symbol of authority, will give the Force stature and rebuild respect in the Force.
A respected Force is an effective one.
by CAA | Feb 17, 2025 | Library, Politics, Youth
Victoria’s newly minted Opposition leader has wasted no time wading into the youth debate. His enthusiasm is palpable and very welcome, and clearly, he is a conviction politician who, in a leadership role, augers well for Victoria’s future.
His vision for improving the management of youthful offenders has a lot going for it, but he has missed a couple of keys that have got us to where we are today and must be addressed first.
The reality of the current situation in juvenile management is that we have seen the failure of overly punitive approaches of years past as we have seen the obverse where the perpetrators avoid accountability; both options are failures, so we need to look at why.
A significant factor is the inability of the ‘judiciary’ and ‘the system’ to recognise that they are dealing with children who have a totally different ethos from the youth justice system leaders and policymakers.
A key factor in the make-up of the youth psyche is the ‘here and now’ syndrome, where they live in the moment and do not overthink further than what they are engaged in. That only comes with maturity.
What this does is wind the clock, to time differently to adults. What may be a relatively short time for an adult can be an eternity for a child. To see how this works, offer a child a meal at McDonald’s in about 15 minutes. You can then observe their reaction as their time ticks by, as opposed to yours.
This time phenomenon must be used in the Judicial management of Juvenile perpetrators.
The other critical issue is accountability. Young people must be taught that any action that is not acceptable must have consequences if they breach community norms. Whether criminal or otherwise, if their behaviour is not corrected, then escalation is inevitable.
Most responsible parents will correct children’s behaviour from a very young age. Whether it is the parent’s fear of averting the child from danger or simply convenience, the parental approach must always include a consequence. Parents quickly learn that without a consequence, whatever that may be, the child’s behaviour will not alter.
The alternative ‘rational’ approach of some parents is where they think their young child will respond and understand a lecture on behaviour. Lecturing 3-4-year-olds in the centre of a Supermarket aisle is a classic that shows the parent’s ignorance and explains the child’s misbehaviour. Expecting a young child to rationalise like an adult is a major mistake.
The CAA agrees with the concept of diversion for young people but insists that there must be a backup plan to ensure the ‘consequences’ are applied to gain compliance. It is up to the child whether they are prepared to comply.
In Mr Battin’s approach, we are concerned about an eagerness to look overseas to seek a remedy. That will only provide an excuse for all and sundry within the Government to exploit the junkets rather than deal with the issue by applying lateral thinking.
The overseas experiences can be researched online without incurring the cost of being spent on a ‘solution finding tour’. Moreover, the experiences overseas were homegrown, which should also be our solution. The tendency to look elsewhere ignores the issue of cultural variations and, therefore, is unlikely capable of just being lifted and applied here and expecting a positive outcome.
The secret to success is to provide a plan that is simple, straightforward, and easy to implement in a cost-effective way that can be easily measured and easily modified to make inevitable necessary improvements measured against the pre-determined matrixes.
Using current government resources to avoid additional costs, the CAA proposal must be seriously considered.
by CAA | Feb 17, 2025 | Library, Victoria Police Issues
By Newton Reynolds – CAA Member
In the 1930’s Victoria Police was moribund, corrupt and inefficient.
Chief Inspector Duncan from the Met “FLYING SQUAD” in London was tasked with a review.
He arrived in Melbourne on 12 October 1936 and commenced his review. Even before he presented his report, he informed the Government that the matter was urgent.
He was appointed Chief Commissioner and reformed the Force into arguably the best in the World.
Since the appointment of Nixon as Chief Commissioner, the force has been in a terminal state of decline. Alexander Mitchell DUNCAN’s appointment drew howls of protest from police and politicians: “Why not a local?” the reason was “there were none capable and incorruptible”.
Therefore, the search for a replacement Chief Commissioner of Victoria Police should go international. The current crop of Assistants and Deputy Commissioners are politically tainted. The Lawyer X, Red Shirts, the Cardinal Pell witch hunt, COVID-19 overkill, the anti-Jewish failures, the two-tiered political policing, the list goes on. They form part of a failed command. Bring back Sir Ken Jones from the UK, remember the British Bobby who was white anted by then Chief Commissioner Simon OVERLAND, known as” the LANTERN”. “Bright but had to be carried everywhere”.
A fresh approach to move to traditional policing and removing the Government’s sticky political fingers from law enforcement.
Building Taj Mahal-sized centralised Police Stations instead of smaller community Police Stations which, from a policing perspective, are far more effective, efficient and welcoming in connecting with their community. Victoria Police has lost sight of its main function, which is the protection of life and property and the prevention of crime. The force has morphed into being a reactionary arm of Government Policy
The worry is the current crop of politicians do not have the foresight or the will.
Here’s praying the next appointment will not be some POLITICAL DOG BODY more likely to also fall foul of the Force members, appointed to satisfy the equality and diversity brigade but a strong, decisive Commissioner with runs on the board in law enforcement and not tainted by recent performance in Victoria.
The immediate resignation of Chief Commissioner Shane Patton will add to the woes of VicPol and is unlikely to be the circuit breaker the Government is hoping for.
The Government needs to provide a Mea culpa on many of its poor decisions if it has any hope of even having a small influence on improving its relationship with the Police.
Rick Nugent is a good man, but that may not be good enough to turn the tide, we wish him luck.
If he has any hope of turning the tide, he will need to first rout out the rabbits of the Senior ranks, and the Government must support him in that endeavour.
by CAA | Feb 13, 2025 | Illicit Drugs, Library, Safe Injecting Rooms, Victoria Police Issues
CAA comment
This is an important article by Break the Needle and is particularly insightful in exposing our risk factors about illicit Drugs.
It highlights the folly of looking at risk factors on imports from other countries and how they may be used as a drug conduit.
Canada would be seen as a friendly neighbour to the US, which shares much in common with its northern neighbour. It is not unlike the relationship between New Zealand and Australia, so it is very possible that our border security takes less notice of imports from across the ditch than those from other Asian and friendly European countries.
Trump has cleverly used Tariffs as a weapon to have US neighbours take appropriate action against Drug and people smuggling operations.
We do not doubt that Trump would accept any adverse retaliatory action with his tariff strategy to prove that he is not bluffing.
Depending on how this strategy plays out, Australia could become the epicentre of drug use as criminal gangs unable to access or with reduced access to the US market, look further afield for a suitable market and, given the high retail price of drugs in Australia that will be where they first look.
We can only hope that our legislators are a wake-up and prepared for any onslaught because if the cat gets out of the bag, trying to rein in any influx will be extremely difficult, if not impossible.
Make our borders drug proof or we all suffer.
Trump’s tariff threat has ignited debate over Canada’s role in fentanyl trafficking. Sources say Canada is a key player.
On Wednesday, US President Donald Trump’s nominee for commerce secretary, Howard Lutnick, caused a stir when he said Canada and Mexico could avoid 25 per cent tariffs if they stop fentanyl and illegal migrants from coming into the US.
“As far as I know, they are acting swiftly, and if they execute it, there will be no tariff,” Lutnick said at a US Senate Commerce Committee hearing.
Ottawa and several provinces have launched border security initiatives to respond to the threat of tariffs. However, there is disagreement over whether fentanyl trafficking is a legitimate issue in Canada.
Data and sources paint a complex picture. While the volume of fentanyl seizures is low, some sources indicate Canada is a hub in the global fentanyl trade.
‘Massive’
In his comments about drug trafficking at the Canadian border, Trump has focused on fentanyl specifically.
“The fentanyl coming through Canada is massive,” Trump said at a Jan. 21 press conference, where he reiterated his threat to impose 25 per cent tariffs on Canadian goods.
Fentanyl claims tens of thousands of American lives each year.
In 2023, fentanyl and related drugs such as carfentanyl were responsible for an estimated 74,702 overdose deaths in the US, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Fentanyl is a synthetic opioid up to 50 times more potent than heroin and 100 times stronger than morphine, making even minor border seizures significant. A potentially lethal dose is just two milligrams — roughly the size of a few grains of salt.
The U.S. Border Patrol and the Office of Field Operations recorded the seizure of 19.5 kg of fentanyl along the entire US-Canada border in 2024. This is a tiny fraction of the nearly 10,000 kilograms of fentanyl seized across all US borders last year.
Of this haul, 9,600 kg was confiscated at the southern border with Mexico, where Mexican cartels are known for mass-producing the drug.
The Canada Border Services Agency seized just 4.9 kg of fentanyl between Jan. 1 and Oct. 31, 2024. Of this number, 4.1 kg was intercepted before it could be smuggled overseas, specifically toward the Netherlands, agency spokesperson Jacqueline Roby told Canadian Affairs in an emailed statement.
However, during this period, the agency seized about 21,500 kg of “other drugs, narcotics and precursor chemicals,” Roby said. Precursor chemicals refer to substances that are not explicitly identified as fentanyl but may include drugs and chemicals used in the production of fentanyl.
‘Limited to no evidence’
A spokesperson for the Ontario RCMP said Canada-produced fentanyl trafficking at the US-Canada border is not a significant issue.
“There is limited to no evidence or data from law enforcement agencies in the U.S. or Canada to support the claim that Canadian-produced fentanyl is an increasing threat to the U.S.,” the spokesperson said.
“Reports state fentanyl produced in Canada is being exported in micro shipments, most often through the mail. Micro traffickers are most often found on the dark web,” the spokesperson added.
David Asher, a former senior investigator with the US State Department, CIA and Drug Enforcement Administration’s Special Operations Division, shared a different perspective during an August 2024 interview with Canadian investigative journalist Sam Cooper.
Asher cited evidence suggesting fentanyl trafficking operations in Canada are highly organised.
“When we looked at the telephonic communications of Chinese organised criminals that DEA arrested in the US [for drug trafficking and money laundering] … there was an extraordinary amount of communication with Canada,” Asher said in the interview.
“It seemed like they were being controlled out of Canada, and I’m happy to say that on the record. We seized these people’s cell phones, ran them, and saw who they called in Canada.”
Asher also cited a lack of cooperation between Canadian authorities and US agencies in verifying the scale and operations of fentanyl trafficking networks.
“There’s very good reason to suspect that Canadian command and control continues, at least for money laundering and a fair extent of fentanyl precursor exports from Hong Kong and other parts of China,” he said.
“We’ve just not had adequate cooperation from the Canadian government.”
In 2022, the Criminal Intelligence Service Canada reported that organised crime groups had shifted from importing fentanyl-related products to sourcing chemical precursors from both international and domestic suppliers to manufacture the drug within Canada. The service is an inter-agency organisation that shares criminal intelligence between police forces in Canada.
In a 2024 report on organised crime in Canada, the intelligence service confirmed the extent of organised crime’s involvement in drug trafficking.
“Serious and organised crime remains a prominent threat to Canada’s security, contributing to thousands of deaths annually from overdoses due to illicit drugs, as well as firearms and gang violence,” the report said.
The intelligence service reported that international organised crime groups are leveraging Canada’s geographic location and borders to facilitate the illicit movement of goods — including drugs like fentanyl — between North America, Asia, Europe and Latin America.
The agency also reported an increase in dark web trafficking, which may explain the increased use of micro shipments and the role of online markets in the fentanyl trade.
Reports from the Canada Border Services Agency show a ninefold increase in fentanyl precursor chemical seizures in Canada between 2020 and 2021. In the first half of 2021 alone, the agency seized more than 5,000 kg of precursor chemicals used to produce fentanyl and other synthetic opioids, up from just 512 kg in 2020.
This transnational reach was further underscored in 2021 when Australian authorities intercepted their largest-ever illicit fentanyl shipment — more than 11 kg of fentanyl hidden in industrial equipment sent from Canada.
Nicholas Boyce, policy director at the Canadian Drug Policy Coalition, which advocates for drug policies focused on harm reduction and decriminalisation, is sceptical that border crackdowns will be effective in stopping the flow of illegal drugs and their precursors.
He pointed to the low inspection rate of sea containers at Canadian ports, often used to ship stolen cars.
A 2022 Canada Border Services Agency internal audit revealed that the agency’s target inspection rate is between just 1.5 per cent and 2 per cent. However, the agency has not met even this target in recent years. In 2021-22, the inspection rate was 1.1 per cent; in 2020-2021, it was 0.9 per cent.
“We cannot even stop stolen cars leaving the country — how can we expect to detect small packages of powders and chemicals?” Boyce said.
Editor’s note: This piece was updated to reference the 2022 report by the Criminal Intelligence Service Canada, the reports from the Canada Border Services Agency that show a ninefold increase in precursor chemical seizures, and the information about the Australian authorities’ fentanyl seizure in 2021.
