by CAA | Dec 8, 2025 | Family Violence, Library, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues, Violence
A recent article we published by Bettina Arndt shines a light on a subject that police administrations have avoided for a very long time, from three critical perspectives.
Primarily, the adverse impact on genuine victims of domestic violence and secondly, the effect on police themselves, plus the overall impact on the community that suffers from reduced police capacity to deal with many other community issues that are far more serious than two people working through a period of acrimony.
The first change that must be made is to categorise these conflicts as a two-tier response.
For disputes involving violence, and the police can establish evidence to support any claims of Domestic Violence (DV), then that is a Level 1 issue. If there is no corroborating evidence of violence, then the matter is Domestic Acrimony (DA) Level 2. Only in exceptional circumstances is an incident reported to the Police to be categorised as Level 1 without some mitigating evidence.
There needs to be an urgent change in the language around these matters so that valuable Police resources are not wasted.
Police who are sworn to do their duty can exercise discretion in all matters and must therefore be able to decide the category of the incident under investigation. Unless there is compelling and additional evidence forthcoming after the police’s on-scene classification, that classification must not be altered by administrative processes.
This interference in the front-line Police function must not occur.
The problems we as a community face with these issues start with the title ‘Domestic Violence’ or DV.
This has now morphed into any dispute between any individuals in a domestic setting. The ‘Violence’ part of the title is the problem and creates the false illusion that every dispute involves Violence, and that is an abhorrent manipulation of the facts.
It has also created a false narrative around the problem, leading to preconceived perceptions treated as fact, unchallenged and therefore untested, resulting in poor justice outcomes for all parties.
Amongst the most detrimental aspects to actual victims of violence is that allegations in the domestic setting are accepted, and whatever the complainant states is taken as fact without challenge.
When it is obvious to attending Police that there are doubts about the allegations (lack of supporting evidence of the claims made), they should be able to exercise their discretion and downgrade the call to the Domestic Acrimony (DA) in the initial stage of Police intervention.
The police function is to preserve the peace and bring criminals before the courts. Not applying sanctions to individuals on untested allegations, which the current approach requires.
Police are cognisant of the Law and the legal framework they work within/requiring them to perform their task in accordance with protocols that effectively deny them the ability to investigate a matter before applying sanctions on the alleged aggressor, is counterintuitive.
Unless there is evidence to support the claims made by either party alleging Violence, the guilt requiring any sanction must be resolved by the Courts on the evidence, not by the Police.
If that means introducing a 24/7 Family Court system in the interest of Justice, this must be done.
There are many nuances to the issue of responsibility and function of policing, resolving Domestic conflict should not be one of them. We don’t expect police to repair a car that is stolen or a window broken by criminal activity, nor should they act as counsellors.
The function of conciliation, or resolving a dispute, is within the purview of other professionals who are trained and capable of achieving an outcome for the parties involved.
The current approach of referrals, etc, does little to help resolve the issues between the parties. The clinicians are operating in a void, lacking important information, only gained by dealing with these people at the time of the conflict, not days or weeks later, when both parties have had the chance to convince themselves of their role and ingrain the acrimony that exists, from their perspective, which may differ from the facts.
There has been an industry that has evolved to serve the needs of individuals involved in domestic issues. It is time that those in the industry ventured outside their offices and attended the scenes of Domestic dispute calls when they are happening, so they may have a better chance of understanding the reality. Their early intervention will lead to better outcomes for the participants.
There are serious doubts that the current system is working in the best interest of the parties and the community.
The following actions will help improve the current situation.
- Instigate a 24/7 Family Court system available to Police to refer matters they are dealing with for Court-imposed directions and sanctions.
- Family Courts must have the capacity, within certain circumstances, and where warranted, issue a direction that an electronic monitoring device be worn by the alleged aggressor (Ankle bracelets).
- If a party declines to follow the court-imposed rules, the courts can upgrade the case to Level 1 and, with that, apply more restrictive sanctions.
- Add the title of Domestic Acrimony (DA) as a level 2 event as opposed to Domestic Violence (DV), a level 1 priority.
- Review the administration required by the Police for a level 2 incident, and only the essential components applied.
- In all Domestic incidents, Police must only complete the administration that is relevant to the Police function, and if other agencies require information, then they must collect it.
- As a matter of course, where a complainant provides false evidence in reporting an incident, they must be prosecuted for ‘making a false report’. A warning must be issued about this possibility before any action is taken.
- The issue of domestic violence or acrimony involving Police members must be reviewed. The dispute, when private and not Police-related, should be treated as any other private incident.
- Critically achieve early intervention by professionals.
- Calls to Police for assistance must be triaged by professionals into either of the two categories to give the Police a chance to respond according to need.
- Develop an advertising campaign to inform people of the consequences of domestic disputes getting out of hand or becoming violent. (Currently, no effort is made regarding prevention.)
- Introduce DART (Domestic Acrimony Response Teams). A response capacity following the very effective CATT teams model used by Psychiatric Units in hospitals throughout Melbourne. Achieving a DART response would reduce the likelihood of Level 2 Incidents from escalating to Level 1.
- Require agencies working in the domestic space to provide resources to create a 24/7 Domestic Acrimony Response Team (DART).
- The priority for DART is to attend any domestic situation where children are present to minimise the impact on the children and ensure their safety.
Anybody who has witnessed CATT in action will attest to the successes in their ability to de-escalate people suffering psychotic episodes, and there is no question that in a highly charged domestic situation, the participants in a Domestic dispute can be having a psychotic episode without necessarily suffering from a Psychiatric disorder. Therefore, there may be a crossover with the CATT function.
The CATT Teams achieve better outcomes for patients and their families than the Police can ever hope to, or be expected to accomplish in the psychiatric space, and those outcomes would flow over to the Domestic space.
Police can’t be trained up to perform the tasks that the professionals have mastered over many years, and neither should they, as the normal scope of Police work, enforcing the Law, is not conducive to a conciliation function.
The function of the Police in separating or reducing physical violence as it happens is a counterintuitive skill set compared to conciliation.
Victoria Police attend over 100,000 family violence incidents annually, with the most recent data showing 102,082 incidents were recorded in the 12 months ending December 2024.
This equates to police attending a family violence incident around every six minutes in Victoria. Or about 300 per day, which equates to approximately 600 police taken from other duties per day, but this does not include the many hours the members must undertake to follow up on administrative work post-event.
The number of reported incidents has been steadily increasing over the past decade, partly due to increased public awareness and improved police recording practices ( which translates into a growth of paperwork of questionable necessity).
The issue revolves around the Police role and the unnecessary (for policing) functions foisted on them. If there is no risk or minimal risk of violence, then the Police should get out of the way and let professionals do their job.
Box-ticking administration serves no good purpose and is not a good use of Police resources; these tasks can probably be done over the phone by another agency. Police can forward the participant’s phone number to the attending agency for attention.
Activists involved in this area have been agitating for the police to undertake more de-escalation and other psychiatric training to handle domestic situations.
When fists are flying, de-escalation is moot.
We would argue that the Police need to stick to their knitting, and that all the experts and others who make up the support industry for Domestic incidents get out of their cushy nine-to-five work environments, to get where the rubber hits the road, and take the load off the Police.
This will have an enormously positive impact on the frequency and seriousness of Domestic violence incidents and improve the overall community compliance with the Law.
More importantly, it will have a very positive influence on the ability to achieve a settlement of the acrimony amongst parties between the ‘blow up’ and the attempt at resolution; time is the greatest enemy.
The chances of a resolution, or at least a workable peace, deteriorate rapidly as the parties’ attitudes become entrenched over time; early intervention is essential.
Circumstances for violent offenders do not change, with the exception that they can be brought before a Court much earlier than would be the case in other circumstances. Dealing with these individuals early also reduces the risks to the victim.
We are aware of a number of incidents where false allegations against Police in their Domestic setting have ended careers and seen innocent parties sanctioned severely without any recourse.
The number of Police officers who become involved in their own Domestic Acrimony is minuscule when viewed from the overall numeric size of the community (Over 100,000 DV incidents reported per annum), which raises an important question that demands action to review the status quo.
Comparing the number of Police falsely accused of violence to the number of civilians who have been processed for DV would suggest that the number of civilians who have been processed and sanctioned who are innocent must be truly staggering.
“It is better that ten guilty persons escape than one innocent suffer”
– Sir William Blackstone
The underlying principle is that convicting an innocent person is considered a far greater injustice than failing to punish someone who is guilty.
by CAA | Dec 6, 2025 | Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues
Plus, how domestic violence is destroying our police force – author Pettina Arndt 
Some months ago, Australia’s most senior judge, Chief Justice Stephen Gageler, warned of a global diminution of trust in institutions, including our courts, which he said were portrayed as “partisan, political institutions.”
Speaking at a West Australian legal event, he advised the judiciary to “stick to their knitting, and only do law, and to do it in a very distinct way according to orthodox legal method.”
There’s another critical part of our judicial system where members would love to stick to their knitting, and that’s our Police Force. Our law enforcement agencies are in trouble, losing increasing numbers of officers and struggling with recruitment, as police officers across the country complain about frustration and burnout.
The force has been hijacked. Police now find themselves working for a partisan political institution devoted to feminist ideology and involved in policing that largely has nothing to do with keeping people safe. Rather, this vital institution promotes an agenda that labels marital acrimony as domestic violence and enlists the force in the ongoing war on men.
Most police want only to return to their knitting. They want to fight crime. But police authorities are catering to the whims of politicians and the media, who are determined to keep police on the front line of their gender wars.
“The system is broken. Police face an impossible situation. Officers are caught between political pressure, risk-averse policy, and media narratives that punish them no matter which way they respond. It is no wonder so many leave the job.”
The speaker knows all about these pressures. He’s a former Detective Senior Constable who spent 15 years with the Victorian police trying to walk this tightrope. Ironically, his initial troubles stemmed from a period where he was under severe stress because the unit where he was working was totally gutted, as staff were moved to newly created domestic violence teams. The strain of doing his job in the understaffed unit had such an impact on his mental health that he burnt out and required a period of leave to recover. All this ultimately led to the disintegration of his marriage.
He then found himself on the receiving end of precisely the type of allegation he’d been policing for so many years. His wife enlisted the help of some former colleagues to lodge false violence allegations, which ended up not only driving him out of his job but also out of the state, as she set up breaches of her protective violence order, which could result in him being sent to prison.
I’ve made a podcast with this former cop – I’ve called him “Adrian”. We also included an ex-police officer from NSW who has an equally horrendous story of fighting false allegations. These two men represent the dozens of police officers who have contacted me over the years who have been wrongly accused, including some still in the force and too nervous to be interviewed.
Compelling stories told by the true victims at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CR0BhvXtszY&t=5s
Here are the ultimate witnesses to a system on its knees. They have first-hand experience of the immense damage being caused to our justice system by incentivising false, unchallenged allegations which provide women – and it is almost always women – with unparalleled power to drive a former partner out of their lives and those of their children.
These former police officers’ discussions with me show how false allegations are tearing apart the social fabric of Australia and undermining the credibility and professionalism of our police services.
All this passes unnoticed in our culture with its feminist-controlled media, blinkered politicians and people in power all determined to pretend it isn’t happening. It is disgraceful that our media and politicians rant about the struggle police are having in controlling violent house invasions and adolescent gangs in Victoria and Queensland, without a word about the dangerous diversion of resources to policing false and trivial domestic violence matters. What a farce.
So, what do these falsely accused officers reveal about our troubled police forces?
One striking moment in our conversation was Adrian speaking with great enthusiasm about an earlier point in his career where he was required to attend extra training in a domestic violence risk assessment system being implemented in the Victorian police force. He was so hopeful that this new system would allow police to do proper evaluations of violence allegations to determine the truth. But instead, he found himself caught up in the current tick-a-box system, which totally ignores an alleged perpetrator’s side of the story.
The ultimate irony was that when some of his colleagues helped his wife embellish allegations she was making against him, they drew on examples taken from their domestic violence training manual to create truly horrendous accusations about his behaviour.
The other ex-cop who was part of our discussion – I called him “Liam” – also had harrowing tales of a wife who made various historic assault accusations against him. When police were called, the investigating officer initially told him that he’d determined the allegations were false and that he would have them withdrawn. But when this officer returned to his police station, he was overruled by senior officers who said that because Liam was a former police officer, he had to be held to a higher standard. He was charged with four counts of domestic violence assault dating back 8 years.
Eventually, the matter was heard in court, and the allegations were dismissed by a very experienced magistrate who was scathing about the charges, saying that they were clearly designed to gain advantage in a family law matter and should never have ended up in court. They were dismissed due to insufficient evidence, with costs made against the police force.
The very next day, Liam’s ex-wife went back to the same police station and made new allegations, which led to another protective order. That too was ultimately dismissed, but only after the violence order had influenced family court proceedings, denying him contact with his children. Liam is currently involved in a malicious prosecution case against the NSW police. (He’s part of an organisation called Kilo4Delta, which has ambitious plans for change, including a malicious prosecution class action.)
Both men are aware of many other cases of officers who have been similarly falsely accused. I’ve been talking to another NSW officer still in the force, who was married to a very violent woman who regularly threatened to destroy his career with rape and violence allegations and to make sure he never saw his son again. Once, he ended up having stitches in the hospital after she threw a wine glass at him.
When they eventually split up, it turned out she had been reporting to domestic violence services that he had been physically and sexually abusive during their marriage. She made a report to police claiming he had threatened her with his work firearm, but he was luckily able to disprove this with video recordings from his phone and home security.
Since he was able to document her years of violence, threats and false allegations, there was such overwhelming evidence against her that she was eventually charged and convicted of a string of offences, and he ended up with custody of his son (after paying crippling legal fees using his inheritance.)
But his case is unusual. As Liam and Adrian explain, most police officers lose their careers after false allegations, with management keen to be seen as tough on rogue members.
Of course, our media loves stories of police officers as wife abusers. Just look at this breathless report from The Guardian, gloating that an investigation had revealed “11 NSW officers had been investigated for domestic violence, in some cases more than once!” Never any suggestion that any of these allegations could have been false.
Yet on the rare occasions police dare speak out about the issue, the truth sometimes emerges. “We receive multiple false claims per year against our officers, which halts their careers and requires significant resources for defence,” said Queensland lawyer Calvin Gnech, speaking at a Senate Inquiry into domestic violence. Gnech had been doing work for the Queensland Police Union for over a decade.
Recently, there has been some welcome resistance emerging in police management, with some prepared to point out that the current swamping of proper police work is unsustainable.
Domestic violence case management is not “core business” of police, declared Queensland’s Acting Commissioner Shane Chelepy at a press conference last July, announcing the findings of a 100 Day review into police operations and structure. He warned that DV is contributing to “significant mission creep” as police are forced to take on roles for which they are untrained. Besides, he added bravely, “Most Queenslanders would expect the police service to be the frontline response to violent crime.” This is a very welcome acknowledgement that policing domestic violence rarely has anything to do with genuine violent crime.
Last year an article “Law Enforcement and Public Health” in the Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Criminology and Criminal Justice compared policing in Australia to Canada and the UK, and noted Australia’s framing of domestic violence as a “wicked problem” which requires comprehensive police-led interventions, leading to heavier police reliance for holistic support and diverting time from acute enforcement to non-priority tasks like counselling. The other countries use more integrated interagency models (e.g., co-responder teams with health professionals), which mitigate police strain.
The evidence of a police force in trouble is overwhelming:
- Across Australia, there are more than 4,500 vacancies for police officers.
- Queensland faces its worst officer exodus in five years, leaving nearly 1400 positions unfilled across the state.
- Police Federation of Australia CEO Scott Weber said the shortage was ‘the worst I’ve ever seen in my 30 years of policing’.
- The Queensland Police Union president, Shane Prior, confirmed that DV workload is “directly correlated” to officers leaving the force.
- A study of 492,393 DV events in NSW Police reports found that emotional or/verbal abuse was the most commonly recorded abuse type (33.46% of events).
- Each DV incident takes frontline officers between 4 and 6 hours to resolve.
- A study of Australian frontline officers showed DV-specific stress as a likely contributor to burnout.
- It is mainly mid-career, experienced males who are leaving the force, to be replaced by young women.
Recently, The Guardian did a major promotion of a two-year investigation into police domestic violence enforcement failures, claiming the force isn’t doing enough to protect women in trouble.
It’s certainly true that police sometimes under-respond to genuine domestic violence, responds Adrian. But he points out such media stories completely ignore the other side of the story – the over-response to allegations that are false, exaggerated or simply normal family dynamics reframed as abuse.
That over-response is inevitable in a policing culture shaped by pressure, politics and ideology. It’s crippling our police force and diverting help from those who need it most.
Campaigns by feminist groups, often bordering on the hysterical, ensure that the captured media and many politicians put unwarranted pressure on our senior police to devote increasing resources to domestic violence. This is having a very unhealthy effect on the independence of our police, who feel pressured to devote scarce resources to an exaggerated problem, rather than prioritising those resources as they see fit.
We need our police forces to prioritise the most serious crimes. Domestic violence allegations, which are often based on trivial behaviour or are fabricated, are NOT our most serious criminal threat.
We must demand an end to this ideological crusade and a return to proper policing.
by CAA | Nov 30, 2025 | Family Violence, Illicit Drugs, Library, Politics, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues, Violence, Youth, Youth Crime
For many years, the issue of when a child can commit a crime has been quietly ticking away, but now the Government has stepped in, as they always do, and changed a system that had flaws; instead of fixing them, they have exacerbated them.
In 2024, the Government lifted the age of criminal responsibility, Doli Incapax, to 12 years, meaning children aged 10 and 11 could no longer be held criminally responsible.
Now the chickens have come home to roost with an 11-year-old armed with a kitchen knife, an edged weapon, and an imitation firearm, entering another classroom at a Primary School and injuring an 8-year-old child and a teacher with the knife. As reported in the Herald Sun, 29th of November 2025.
The 11-year-old apparently stormed a grade 1 classroom, making threats.
If that is accurate, it is tough to argue that the 11-year-old didn’t know his action was criminal.
The aggravating factor is that the 11-year-old was carrying a kitchen knife, so he was undoubtedly intending to storm another class, demonstrating an element of planning and premeditation well before the incident.
This was not some schoolyard tiff that got out of hand, but a deliberate, thought-out attack.
The problem is not as narrow as dealing with a young child, but rather that the Courts need to play a role to ensure that the child is put on the right path.
Simply sending a child who has committed what would otherwise be a crime on their way without a hint of a sanction is tantamount to giving them a free ticket, rewarding bad behaviour.
In these circumstances, not only is the 8-year-old a victim, but so is the 11-year-old, a victim of a poor legislative approach to the handling of juvenile crime.
There is a desperate need, at a minimum, to revert to the age provisions previously in place, whereby children between 10 and 14 can only be charged if they understand the criminality they have committed, and if they do not, ask why not?
Removing the 10-year-old limit would be very positive for the child as well as society. Removing the lower restrictions to allow the courts to decide, on a case-by-case basis, and on the evidence, and independently resolve whether the doctrine of Doli Incapax applies in that particular case. This resolves the flawed one-size-fits-all approach.
This would allow the court to make orders to protect the child, if necessary, as well as test whether the child knew what they were doing was criminal.
There was once a provision for dealing with children who were likely to lapse into a life of vice or crime. It might be a good time to resurrect such a provision.
The development of our younger generation now makes them better informed and more mature than that of their peers 20 years ago, but we are raising the age of criminality rather than lowering it, which would be more practical.
Allowing anybody of any age, but particularly young people, a free ride to flaunt the law and commit heinous crimes, which this 11-year-old did, is a recipe for disaster, promoting the idea that crime is free from sanctions, which therefore loses its deterrent effect.
The chance of this 11-year-old ending up on the end of a machete is real; it will be sheer luck which end he ends up on.
We need to remember that a child of any age can swing an edged weapon – the weapon does not discriminate by age.
The legal concept of Doli Incapax is surely outdated. Ten-year-olds should have had four or five years of schooling. If they have not received education on the evils of criminal behaviour by then, it is a sad indictment of their parents and particularly of the education system.
by CAA | Nov 26, 2025 | Library, Politics, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues
The headline in the Herald Sun, 25th November 2025, our Premier Jacinta Allan says, ‘ – government’s crime crackdown ‘sending a clear message that sentences need to be longer’.
This rhetoric is ‘smoke and mirrors’ and very unlikely to bring about a change in sentencing levels for Victorian Courts, because Courts, thankfully, should not operate on the whim of the elected Government of the day, as that would be totalitarianism, but on precedent and any variations to legislation.
The Premier’s statements are also an admission that the Government has made major mistakes, as this Government is responsible for the appointment of all the judiciary over the past decade, so they are reaping what they sow.
Many of the worst decisions reported have been made by this government’s judicial appointees. So they need to fix the problem of their making.
We know of no empirical data supporting the theory that criminals will not offend, knowing that the sentence for the crime they are about to commit has increased.
For that matter, I defy anybody to find a criminal who knows the penalty for any crime; responsibility is not their strong suit.
The Spring St boffins fail to realise that crooks, no matter how dumb their actions may seem, do not commit a crime if they think they are going to get caught, and that is the only matrix that matters or influences them.
The Allan approach presupposes that crooks gather for a pre-crime meeting to discuss the penalties they may face conducting a SWAT Analysis before deciding what crime to commit – give us a break.
Have they not heard of institutionalisation? A complex issue, but critically, the time factor of the period somebody is held against their will, like jail, will become time-irrelevant very quickly.
Whether a criminal gets four years or six matters little and has no influence on the likelihood of recidivism or on other criminals considering the same behaviour.
The victim may gain some solace, but that’s about it, and the extra jail time just becomes a financial burden on the State, requiring not only more prison beds but all the infrastructure and operating costs associated with the increased time served, and we, the community, including the victims, have to pay for that.
This should be electoral suicide for any Government, particularly given Victoria’s perilous budget deficit.
The only substantial argument for an extended sentencing regime, if it were workable in the Courts, and we argue it is not, is to afford a longer period of protection for the community, which coincidentally costs us all a bomb.
Sentencing must be related to the evidence of the crime put before the Court.
We do, however, strongly believe that Courts have deliberately flaunted the power they possess to act as social engineers instead of sticking to their knitting, dispensing justice, not just for the accused, but the community as a whole.
The answer to the crime tsunami is to provide sufficient police to not only arrest and capture offenders but also to implement a strong, high-visibility deterrence presence to mitigate criminal opportunity.
This, coupled with a serious proactive Force culture, will start to make inroads as soon as it is implemented, and we are confident that the new Chief Commissioner Mike Bush has the capacity, knowledge and skills to drive this change.
Additionally, fortunately, there is still a very high percentage of serving police who would share this view; all they need is to be unshackled from the medieval attitudes the Force has developed under a series of poor leaders.
Long-term sentencing does little to stop crime; however, failure by the courts, which seem reluctant to jail accused offenders, feeds into the adage that ‘crime pays’, and while that exists, there is no hope of a reduction.
We oppose draconian sentencing but support the nuanced use of Prison as a major crime reduction initiative. It matters little the criminals’ age; numerically greater use of the Prison system is what’s required.
Remember, every time an accused at any age walks out after facing Court and being convicted, irrespective of what they may have been sentenced to, or what orders are placed on them, the walking out from court, of itself, is perceived as a win for the crook, and something to brag about, further building confidence in the criminal class that consequences for crime don’t exist.
Even in these austere times, the Government must prioritise the financial support for Policing because unless we have a well-funded and equipped Force pursuing the correct ideals of ‘best practice’ Policing, nothing will change and everybody in this state is mightily aware that they may be the next victim.
As far as the Courts are concerned, the Government would do a whole lot better, rather than making hollow headlines, by focusing on establishing a Judicial Review Panel that has the power to manage Jurists based on performance and effectiveness.
This must be an attractive proposition for a Government that has failed in the Law and Order space; shift blame to the Panel.
The administration of the Court system is inefficient and not fit for purpose, with extraordinary delays denying justice to both Victims and accused. By the time an accused is fully processed by the Courts, many have continued their criminal ways and subjected the community to untold grief – that is Justice denied.
A Justice Panel could identify underperforming and inefficient Jurists, provide guidance, and, if necessary, impose sanctions to ensure the system becomes efficient; establish processing benchmarks; identify flaws in the system; and determine whether the problem lies with the administration or Jurists’ performance.
Similarly, an efficient and professional justice system will reduce crime, equally as well as the support for the Police in bringing perpetrators to the Court system.
by CAA | Nov 24, 2025 | Library, Politics, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues
We do not profess to know all the answers, but our life skills have taught us a few worthwhile ones, particularly in the youth space.
Early intervention is a significant priority, but perhaps more important, and effective, is the development of pathways that are productive for young people as they start to mature, rather than having their lives controlled by Government bureaucratic edicts.
The pathways, if managed correctly, should encourage young people to start making constructive choices for themselves. When we say ‘managed,’ we mean the Government generally stepping back and allowing young people space to resolve their own issues.
Although parents have a vital role and a responsibility in encouraging their children to adopt a worthwhile path, they cannot and should not live their lives through their children. It is the child’s life, not the parents.
An article in the Herald Sun on the 23rd of November 25, titled ‘Half of students miss a month of school amid fears it is irrelevant,’ goes a long way to explain what is really happening to our youth.
https://www.heraldsun.com.au/education/half-of-students-miss-a-month-of-school
We have been critical of the schools sending children home for misbehaviour, which, in our view, is a major contributor to the development of anti-social and criminal behaviour in our young.
This process is triggered predominantly by minor behavioural infractions and, on occasion, by incidents not the student’s fault.
This send-them-home option is a relatively new concept, as schools in the past have dealt with these minor infractions in-house without abdicating responsibility and leaving students to their own devices. In this context, it is not a contradiction to provide pathways.
There appears to be no effective management of this discipline process, and our information is that when children are sent home, it is problematic whether the parent/s are aware, unless the child informs them.
So much for families with parents who must work to support them and rely on schools to care for their children while they are being educated.
Schools that adopt this approach are abdicating their responsibility and may need a civil case to wake the system up to its failings.
Until the research in this HS article was made public, we have been at a loss to identify just where the problems lay. We know that children are not born with antisocial and criminal tendencies, which are learned behaviours, and it appears now that the research in that article points clearly to the culprit that teaches them – their misdirected education.
It generally boils down to the education we are foisting on our young being irrelevant to the skill sets they see as necessary to run their lives, and they have an excellent argument.
We continually hear from educators that their curriculum is overfull, so they can’t add to it, but that assumes that the curriculum is relevant. Relevance to those for whom the education is being delivered is essential – but, clearly, much of it is not in the eyes of many students.
Removing ideological material that has found its way into the curriculum must be the first action, and then the rest of the curriculum benchmarked against the needs of our youth. That purge must be brutal.
“It just feels like we’re not being taught how to handle our finances properly,” Sarah said. “We’re not being taught how to save, invest, manage our bank accounts or file our taxes. That’s something you’ve really gotta figure out on your own.”
–Sarah, 17 years reflecting on her views when she was 14 years old.
To this point, you may wonder the relevance of this material to our core direction, law and order.
Suppose you are going to teach children irrelevant material, send them home for minor infractions and fail to engage the pupils. In that case, it very quickly becomes a life of boredom and failure for the pupil, and the more bored they become, the more disruptive they are, and more often they are sent home.
Taking time off from school is the go-to solution that the school teaches them.
All this time at home can accumulate very rapidly and lead to increased boredom. Life becomes less relevant, so they seek solutions in very unhelpful ways – crime, self-harm, addictions and inappropriate social interactions become the only way to achieve a sense of fulfilment for them.
UNICEF Australia’s Chief Advocate for Children, Nicole Breeze, said the report paints a stark picture.
“In a country like Australia, we have all the conditions and infrastructure to be the best place in the world for children to grow up,” Ms Breeze said. “It is unacceptable that suicide remains the leading cause of death for young Australians and that we are seeing persistent negative trends.”
What this all adds up to is the need for a ‘root and branch’ overhaul of our education system, and by that we are strongly opposed to a series of talk fests, more research, and academic papers arguing the rights and wrongs of the assertions we make, as the proof positive already exists.
The Report author, Megan O’Connell, from the Australian Research Alliance for Children and Youth, said the landmark report — published in the Herald Sun, developed with UNICEF Australia and supported by the Minderoo Foundation — found an increasing number of kids feel school is not providing them with the skills that they need for their future.
The problem needs to be addressed urgently, as there is no time to waste on procrastination and blame-shifting.
The government must issue an edict for action to Tony Bates, the Secretary of the Department of Education in Victoria, who was appointed in August 2025.
The edict must, without equivocation, direct that this issue must be addressed urgently for two reasons: we can’t afford to have one more child exposed to this failed system, and the responsibility lies at the feet of the Director and any inaction at the feet of the Education Minister.
If the Director can’t or won’t fix it, then he should be replaced, as should any other executive within the Education Department who does not fall into line.
What must be achieved is curriculum variation to remove ideological material and replace it with the skills required by young people. These skills can be life-based or designed to equip them for further education.
In relation to behaviour, the practice of sending young people home must be discontinued without exception, and to achieve a reasonable standard of behaviour, the Police in Schools Program must be urgently reintroduced to help schools address misbehaviour and provide students with a safe school environment and life skills to live harmoniously within the community.
All schools must also be required have and enforce a Code of Conduct.
There can be no excuses for inaction, as these changes will have no impact on the State’s fiscal demise.
Additionally, young people’s ability to join the workforce or further their academic studies must not be hindered by ‘the system’.
Currently, young people cannot enter an apprenticeship until they are aged 16, and if they work before then, they can only do 20 hours a week. From an academic perspective, the schools make students feel that if they can’t excel in academia, then they are a failure.
It is past time for the Government to repeal these rules and move out of the way.
This one-size-fits-all approach is badly flawed, and it should be left to employers to judge the suitability of an applicant, the applicant’s parents, and the child.
Opportunities for young people to re-enter the education system without penalty must be well promoted.
This is particularly true of age-relevant life skills. Young people are better equipped to enter the workforce physically and mentally at a far younger age than when these rules were designed and applied.
Better to be at work learning rather than at school marking time, causing havoc.
Unblocking Pathways is the key.
by CAA | Nov 15, 2025 | Library, Politics, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues
The Police Association Secretary Wayne Gatt was reported in the Herald Sun on the 16th of November under the heading ‘Police union boss Wayne Gatt slams 90-day summer operation as ‘brain fart’ amid struggle to fight crime’, which is somewhat of a surprise and disappointing for a respected Union.
Later in the article, Gatt said, “while the union did not in principle oppose the potential of the moves, there were concerns about ‘a lack of detail or thought or planning”.
So what was he on about, accusing the Chief of a ‘Brain Fart’?
That seems like a euphemism for, “Why wasn’t I told?” Obviously, the Union was told so that Gatt was able to relay the Union’s views.
Perhaps this is more about Gatt’s influence fading.
Criticising the Government, Gatt also failed to be aware of the circumstances, such as the reorganisation of resources and the introduction of reservists, which had been devised by the Chief and the Minister, advised. But that may have been more to do with masking his derogatory reference to the Chief.
Gatt may like to explain why putting more people on the street is reckless and what the ‘dependencies’ he is referring to are.
Mr Gatt would be well advised also to start leading and creating innovative ideas on how to reduce the crime rate, rather than promoting “lack of detail or thought or planning”. That, together with his issue of consultations, won’t help the community at all. Bush’s action will help immediately, and that’s what the community wants.
But to the nub of the matter, the allocation of resources is a matter for the Chief Commissioner.
Bush has read the room correctly, and for Gatt to accuse the Chief of a “Brain Fart” is disingenuous and disrespectful to his office; to have Gatt slight him in this manner requires an apology.
The Chief is demonstrating leadership that has been lacking in a string of previous Chief Commissioners, so the Association will have to get used to the idea that the Force now has a leader. And they should treat him with respect.
These initiatives, supported by the CAA, are going to be welcomed by the community, as up until now, and apart from platitudes, every time there is a serious community issue raised about crime, nothing changes in VicPol, and the community has long tired of ‘More patrols’ knowing they may get some. Still, it will be a splash in the pan and not address the real issues they are dealing with.
Bush’s move to more proactive policing is also welcome, as preventing crime must be the primary function of any Police Force and a strategy more likely to be embraced by the community than ‘more police’. Interestingly, those who push the more police mantra rarely give any insight into what that means, what will be achieved and when.
It will literally take years to bring the force up to full strength, so the use of reservists is a very clever move to free additional police to provide the public with a better police service and reduce the crime rate.
Critics of the use of Reservists should read this comment from the CAA Website by a former member who was medically discharged.
“I already volunteer as a Justice Peace at the reception counter of my local 24 HR police station? Other unofficial duties in the absence of sworn uniform members include signing in those reporting on bail, compiling VicPol property forms & taking property over the counter, general police advice, and taking messages for members. You never forget your training & previous knowledge base. I was ESSS Discharged, pensioned out of my job with a spinal injury. Not ready to retire yet, so will happily return as a paid VPS1 or reservist part-time!!”
We are aware of many former members who would like to be considered for involvement in a Reserve program.
There would also be hundreds of former members who left their police careers to raise their families, and when their families grew up, would jump at the chance for a Reservist position.
Their life experiences make them a valuable asset if they can be encouraged to return.
The sad part of this announcement is that where you would expect the Police Association to support the initiative and encourage Reservists to rejoin that organisation, instead, they have all been insulted, being classified as a ‘Brain Fart’ that will be remembered as Gatt’s Gaff.
by CAA | Nov 11, 2025 | Library, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues
Some time ago (2017), the CAA presented a solution to the ever-increasing rate of vehicle thefts and the enormous cost this imposes on all of society, and that is apart from the huge danger this behaviour creates.
The only reaction was a half-baked pilot that did not work and, in our view, was designed to fail as the then Chief Commissioner had a negative fixation on the CAA, for reasons we have no idea.
The problem of car thefts is not just some kids joyriding, and that would be bad enough, but the thefts are also a key part of the criminal activity in this state.
There is little serious crime undertaken without the involvement of sometimes multiple stolen cars, and the majority are then burnt, costing society millions upon millions, not to mention the hardship on the owner, the other victims.
Reduce access to the mobility offered to criminals by cars and reduce the crime rate.
All these cars, stolen and often driven by inexperienced individuals, pose an unacceptable risk to the Police and the community at large.
The solution is to remove the ability of cars to be a useful tool for crooks and joyriders.
To enable the Police to shut down a stolen vehicle, temporarily, or for that matter any other vehicle involved in a criminal endeavour putting the community in danger, is technically possible, so the reluctance of Victoria Police to embrace this technology is a blight on their sworn duty, preventing crime.
The problem is that implementing a system is complex, but well-managed; it should not be cost-prohibitive to the State.
It can be implemented in stages to spread costs and promote community acceptance.
The concept of a G-Tag was launched by the CAA in 2016 at https://caainc.org.au/the-g-tag-a-new-paradigm-in-community-safety/?doing_wp_cron=1762724424.3639779090881347656250
CAA G-Tag is a proposed community safety initiative by the Community Advocacy Alliance (CAA) for a vehicle tracking and disabling system. The ‘G-Tag’ sticker on a car window identifies that the vehicle can allow police to remotely disable a stolen vehicle, putting it into “limp home mode” to prevent high-speed chases. The proposal includes measures for data privacy, with police as the sole operators and strict security for data storage.
How it would work
- Anti-theft: When a car is stolen, a G-Tag would allow police to track and disable it.
- Remote disabling: The system could initially reduce the vehicle’s speed to 80 KPH and then safely disable the engine.
- Police coordination: The police could use the system to coordinate the interception of a stolen vehicle.
- Privacy safeguards: The system would have built-in safeguards to protect individual privacy, with tracking only on targeted vehicles, data having an expiry date, and strict penalties for unauthorised data release.
- Data security: Data would be encrypted and accessible only to sworn police officers.
Benefits
- Deterring crime: The presence of the sticker could deter thieves from targeting vehicles equipped with the system.
- Reducing evidence destruction: Thieves would have less opportunity to torch the vehicle to destroy forensic evidence.
- Assisting in welfare checks: The system could be used to locate missing persons or overdue travellers to check their welfare.
- The value of this system for National security to deter or intercept terrorists cannot be underestimated.
- Vehicles manufactured offshore could then be managed, should a rogue nation try to use them to breach National Security.
It will take some time to equip the 5 million vehicles in this state, but the cost per vehicle will be a couple of hundred dollars and should be borne by the owner.
Most new vehicles delivered in recent years would have the capacity, and an amendment to the Australian Vehicle Standards would deal with the new vehicles. For the public to take up the initiative, the incentive of the window sticker would help, as would making the G-Tag a necessary part of a vehicle’s roadworthiness. Insurance companies stand to benefit, and negotiating an offer to vehicle owners would be an excellent marketing tool for them and the G-Tag.
Damming figures may be Police Chase Chaos, but doing nothing to address the problem is irresponsible.
by CAA | Nov 8, 2025 | Blue Light, Library, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues
Starting where the rubber hits the road, Chief Commissioner Bush has implemented a Force-wide edict reversing a policy that has not worked and has been persevered with for years without empirical data to support its retention, exacerbated by the current lack of Force numbers.
The Minimum Police Station staffing policy, we suspect, was conceived within the upper echelons of the Force, far removed from the practical, real-world policing issues faced by police daily and the operational variables between one police station and any other.
An adverse byproduct of a bloated bureaucracy and a clear demonstration of why the one-size-fits-all approach is a failure.
Exposing these types of policy decisions gives an insight into the organisational failure that has plagued VicPol for years.
Running the ‘Oh my god’, ‘Close a Police Station?’ is an alarmist mantra that is not helpful without understanding the reality of policing and the history of how this once great organisation has declined due to poor management at the highest level.
The Chiefs’ edict does not necessarily translate into mass Station closures; it is more about moving decision-making to the level that is best equipped, where managers can make sound calls to serve the community better.
The Chief has previously indicated his interest in using former Police to assist the organisation, and the role of manning the public face of a police station could well fall within that concept.
The value of a long-serving experienced police member would not only provide better service delivery but also provide a role model function for junior police at a station.
The Local Area Commander (LAC) is the key person best placed to make resource allocation decisions within their span of control in consultation with Station or Unit Commanders.
The LAC benefits from local knowledge and an understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of the resources under their command.
To be most effective, the move to loosen the bridle on LACs and give them flexibility will undoubtedly come with additional accountability for the performance of the area under their Command. This, in turn, will also require subordinate managers within this structure to take responsibility for the performance and accountability of their units.
Suppose a Police Station is not managing the prevention and detection of crime to the standard set by the LAC for their area of responsibility. In that case, the manager should be mentored and, if necessary, receive additional training. If that fails, they should find an alternative position they are capable of managing.
The same rules should be applied equally to all managers in the hierarchical linear system, including LACs.
Properly implemented, this move will free up managers and their support staff further up the Totem pole to be redeployed as their functions diminish.
The bloated hierarchy resulted from creating and throwing another Command and all the ancillary Command support staff at a problem to fix it, rather than pragmatic management strategies.
Examples of unnecessary Executive Commands, like the four Regional Commands, can be rationalised.
If LACs are working correctly, then one Regional and one metropolitan are all that are required. State and Emergency Command can be addressed by the regional Commander where the Disaster is occurring.
That alone would free up a large number of Police and support staff, sworn and unsworn, to reallocate to operations and operations support at a Station level.
The Family Violence Command requires a coordination Office only, not a Command, and serious work to identify non-police functions in this space will free up countless police.
There are a myriad of other areas that need severe pruning or reorganisation because subsequent executives lost sight of the Police role – serving the community, not a corporate monolith, and not creating poor justifications for perceived weaknesses in the Force’s performance by establishing more bureaucracy or more Police Quangos.
It seems Bush is on the right track.
Thankfully, the Rotation management system has been largely consigned to the WPB, where it should have always resided. However, the damage caused will linger for years as the generation of officers who were blooded in that process and deprived of a real opportunity to learn and showcase their capabilities move through the system.
Whether many of them can regain their Mojo is, unfortunately, moot.
A serious consideration of reintroducing the prerequisite for all Officers to complete the Officers Training College as a live-in training facility would be a good step, allowing for a course restructuring to train all Officers in the rebuilding of a positive Police culture.
As a live-in course, the students gain insight into their peer’s experiences and develop career-long bonds that will serve them well as they progress. Having the opportunity to evaluate their own capability compared to peers’ develops an essential skill-set for future leadership roles.
Reviewing the approach to Officer Training would equip the Force for the next millennium, producing a modern, capable team of Officers who can apply the Peelian principles in a contemporary environment. A tendency to move training to a more academic, university-style model has not served the Force or the State well.
It would be unrealistic to expect all Officers to embrace the concept of effective policing and its accompanying accountability component, given the conditions they experienced under various flawed management models and the equally flawed application of them.
Additional training would be a very reasonable approach.
Focusing on the LACs first for retraining would hasten the benefits to frontline members, where the need for change is most critical, for their benefit and the community, where improvements in Force service delivery will be felt most keenly.
by CAA | Nov 6, 2025 | Library, Media, Politics, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues
There is a lot of faux bluster and wringing of hands over the use of the Police Chopper by the Chief Commissioner Mike Bush in recent times, his trip to Tasmania and now a flight from Avalon to the Victoria Police Centre (VPC).
It has now been reported that he allegedly took his wife on a flight and committed the most grievous sin of allegedly laughing about the brouhaha of the Tasmania flight.
In the scheme of things, these issues are nothing but white noise, but there is an underlying sinister overtone.
At worst, the Chiefs’ use of the aircraft could be argued as him having a ‘tin ear’.
The last accusation of using an aircraft to return from Avlon was perhaps expedient, and it matters little whether the Chief was in the back seat of his Car or the helicopter for the return. Both vehicles had to return to Melbourne.
The most serious issue that must attract the greatest focus is the report of the alleged laughing by the Chief Commissioner in a group about the Tasmanian flight.
There could be a million reasons for jocularity, but that of itself is incidental.
What is most egregious is that this was reported to the media, which can only be described as a bona fide undermining of his position.
The other airwing use could have been leaked by any number of people, but this latest alleged reaction could only reasonably have been done by his inner circle, indicating where all the leaks emanated.
It goes to the heart of the solidarity of the Command of VicPol and is very worrying, highlighting the difficulties that exist at that level in the Force.
There is obviously a rat in the ranks.
In an organisation where the average Police member would be hung, drawn and quartered for even a misspoken word to the media or anybody else outside the Force, but those in the upper echelons feel they have the right of free rein to attack the Chief.
The Herald Sun reported:
“Some police staff are understood to be fuming over the undeclared flights, with one describing his wife’s trip as nothing more than “a joy ride”.
“People are really annoyed he has misled them,” a source said.
“He is taking the public, and his staff, for fools … It’s about integrity.”
Sources also claimed that Mr Bush and a few of his colleagues had further upset staff by “laughing about Choppergate” since his apology on October 22.
They added that it was particularly galling at a time when positions were being reviewed as part of a force restructure.
“Everyone is really scared about their jobs,” they said.
To that statement, we add – the ‘Source and some Police staff ‘ ought to grow a backbone and talk to the Chief about their concerns, that would be integrity. But only after the Source has a chat with the psych unit about their insecurities.
Double standards cause poor leadership and management at any level.
The Chief underestimated the nature of the VicPol hierarchy by announcing his intent to streamline the upper command and release many staff and other managers from unnecessary Command Units, returning them to the frontline, where the priority lies.
The NIMBY (Not In My Back Yard) principle has been applied by incumbents being forewarned of the austerity target, and somebody or some people in these higher positions are so insecure that they see themselves as being part of the austerity target, so feel the need to discredit the Chief and, in turn, sabotage his intent.
As far as we are concerned, the person or persons responsible for the leaks should be the first to go. Fulfilling their own insecurities. Check their phones.
It makes one wonder whether the use of the Airwing was a decision by the Chief or whether he was receiving advice to set him up for criticism.
Perhaps his biggest failure was to underestimate the narcissism that is created by being part of the VicPol executive command, and that he must now be extremely diligent, as this latest issue may, in fact, be the start of an orchestrated campaign to discredit him.
Most danger will come from those who have worked hard to be close and gain his trust.
Ironically, a trust not reciprocated.
by CAA | Nov 5, 2025 | Library, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues, Violence, Youth, Youth Crime
In our most recent article, “The 300 Club Phenomenon” at https://caainc.org.au/the-300-club-phenomenon/, the CAA has outlined the issues with the current approach to juvenile crime and what needs to be done to address them.
Setting out what drives the youth phenomena, the article identifies major causes and who is responsible for failures.
Fundamental to this piece is the impact of social cohesion failure.
Over the last 20 years, our society has been ruptured, changing it from a society that respects the variety of cultures and ethnicities of its population to one that is fractured along tribal lines.
Respect for the family is continually undermined by governments hell-bent on destroying the fabric of the family, as if it competes with it.
Respect has all but evaporated, and that is founded in the application of the laws of this State and overzealous governments creating cultural divisions by promoting individual tribes, blatantly for political reasons rather than what is best for our society, coupled with overt support for fringe groups not representative of the overall community but focused on small sectors of it. These highly visible and vocal activist groups are not representative of the community as they would have you believe, but are an anathema to it.
Australia, and in many ways, Victoria led the way in creating a cohesive society where new and old groups were treated with respect. However, today, state leaders are pitting one group against another, and this manifests most vividly in our Youth.
We have lived in harmony with other cultures, but today that harmony is being eroded from all directions, and it is worsening.
In the future, we predict that the fundamental building blocks of our society will continue to erode.
Among the areas under siege, the Courts are the most obvious and most vulnerable.
This vulnerability has been created from within the Court system itself, where activist justices work to erode the court’s power, all the while ignoring the realities of society and the victims.
Failing to read the room will be the Court’s demise.
The effect of these jurist activists is to render the legal system so ineffective that the Government will have no choice but to create more restrictive laws regarding the freedom and independence of the Courts, or otherwise, anarchy will prevail.
Further, the Courts have sidelined not only the victims in criminal matters but also the perpetrator’s family, abdicating them of any responsibility.
This is a critical failure, particularly in the management of juvenile criminals.
Most of the strategies favoured by activists is to attack the family, who must be cultivated to perform the critical task of guiding and or disciplining young people away from a life of crime. They see the family as the vulnerability, to destroying society.
There are, of course, families who nurture crime by either overt actions or sheer indifference; however, legislators must enact a penalty structure for parents whose children commit crimes. Hitting them in the hip pocket will be the most effective way to focus their minds on the parenting task.
Whether that is through reformation, distinct penalties, or a combination of both is moot; something must be done.
To rectify the issue, or at least put us on a path to recovery, we must rely on those justices who the activist agenda has not swayed to show leadership and, by example, highlight the weaknesses and or activism of their fellow judges by issuing penalties that highlight the failures of others; Leadership by a new, higher standard.
We, however, fear that until we have a government that focuses on governing for everyone rather than pet projects based on ethnicity (and votes), we are unlikely to see improvements anytime soon.
Activism is not confined to the Courts but high-profile, unlawful, and violent demonstrations on our streets in pursuit of an activist agenda is a standout act of insurrection.
There is little hope of reigning in uncontrollable activities – without taking back control of our streets.
The government’s inaction on this issue is tantamount to acquiescing to the lawlessness, something a government cannot and should not do under any circumstances.
This is not about the content of any demonstration, as peaceful demonstrations are a right we all possess; it is about the lawlessness that must be given no quarter.
Unfortunately, and we would argue deliberately, the Public Service appears to be a hotbed of alternative activist activity, and the concept of providing impartial advice to government ministers on policy matters has been lost; the Public Service has morphed into an arm of the government’s ideological agenda without a discernible gap to support the separation of powers concept and foundational to our democracy, which is fast becoming a myth.
Another area impacting our youth is education.
Schools are failing in their function to educate, and they cannot claim otherwise when they routinely send children home (with or without parental knowledge) rather than addressing any indiscretions by pupils in school, as was historically the case.
Moreover, the Schools are, as a matter of course, sidelining parents in the development of their children.
They have claimed a mantle of knowing what is best for a particular child or children in general and acting accordingly, often to the deliberate exclusion of parents. This approach aligns with the activist agendas in several social areas.
Children as young as the Preparatory year are being exposed to socially divisive issues as deliberate conditioning—a manipulation of young minds who should be educated, not manipulated, on an activist community construct.
The real damage, however, is the harm to the family cohesiveness, where the views imposed on young children may conflict with those of their parents, either culturally or otherwise.
Parents have little hope of influencing the development of children when the schools act as influences on activist agendas. This is particularly true of some ethnic families, aggravated by English not being their first language or the Australian culture being dissimilar to their own.
It is no wonder that there is an overrepresentation in the crime statistics of cultures, as arrivals in Australia in recent years have had their parental role subordinated..
The combination of these factors has eroded the concept of accountability within social cohesion, and inaction every day deepens the demise of the State and its residents.
Addressing all these issues is now a matter of urgency.
by CAA | Oct 27, 2025 | Library, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues, Youth, Youth Crime
It has been estimated that around 300 young people in this state are responsible for the overwhelming majority of violent crimes, particularly in Melbourne.
While some estimates refer to just 50, that only refers to the very worst and prolific offenders in the 300 group.
The ability to accurately quantify criminals is fraught, as by the nature of criminal activity, it can wildly fluctuate, and different measurements throw up seemingly contradictory assertions.
Suffice to say, and on this issue, there is one overriding consensus: Victoria is faced with a severe crime problem, the like of which has never been seen before.
And while our politicians equivocate over whether we have a crime problem or not, there are well over 300 victims who can attest from lived experiences, except some who are no longer with us, that there is a crime epidemic.
The problem we are now facing is that those who exercise influence over our lives see the solution in pouring resources into the 300 group to change their ways and gain respite for the community, well-intentioned, but a totally wrong-headed solution that will see us reporting on the 400 club in 12 months.
The wrong focus will increase the recidivist population, not reduce it.
To change these perpetrators, the first thing needed is a desire for criminals to change for the better, but that just isn’t going to happen because the life they currently lead is better, in their minds, so why would they change? Add to that the lack of an effective deterrent for criminal behaviour, and hope for change is an anachronism.
The battle some would rage is lost without firing a shot.
The reality is that we will inevitably encounter incorrigible criminals in the youth space, regardless of what we do. Hence, strategies to reduce are the best we can hope for; it is worth noting that during the late 1970s, the Turana Youth detention centre held 200 youths. So the Youth problem is not really new.
The difference then is that most of the recidivists were in detention.
A large proportion of those went on to become career criminals, and many did not survive to make old bones, many at the hands of their contemporaries.
Comparisons between those in detention and those in the 300 group must be based on objective care; however, the trends are irrefutable.
As of the June quarter 2024, an average of just 88 juveniles were in detention overnight in Victoria, see,
Australian Institute of Health and Welfare https://www.aihw.gov.au
This may go some way toward explaining why we have such a vast number of incorrigibles on our streets, creating mayhem.
With Turana holding, in 1979, 200 youths out of a state population of about 3.5 million. Today, with 278 juveniles averaging just 88 in detention per night and a population of 7.1 million, the trend is evident.
We should be looking at somewhere north of 4-500 youths in detention to account for population growth.
The figure of 300 incorrigibles doesn’t look that bad except that they are on our streets creating more mayhem rather than being incarcerated to protect the citizens.
A popular theory amongst some is that inside every thug is a decent human being; all we need to do is tap into that being.
No scientific or practical experience supports this, unless you count the thugs growing out of the phase in a few years—if they live that long—which is wishful thinking; unfortunately, that does nothing for the thugs’ victims until they do.
The reason we have ‘the Club’ is that the Courts have generally taken the view that the rehabilitation of the worst is possible and that putting these criminals in jail will make them worse, but the question that is never answered is: worse than what?
They are already violent murderers, machete-wielding assailants and gang leaders.
The reality is there will and always has been a hardcore of juvenile offenders who continually run amok until a Judicial officer with wisdom decides to protect the community and lock them up.
The government must couch legislation to direct the Judiciary in this endeavour.
It is not just refusing bail but handing out severe penalties to remove their power base.
There is no magic-bullet solution to this problem, no matter what is pontificated; the only practical and effective way to minimise the mayhem caused is to take the hardcore off the streets and reduce the number of younger children who are ‘feeders’ that maintain the power base of the club members.
That should be our total focus: prevention.
Understanding what motivates these thugs is essential,
- Notoriety and bragging rights, fed by the Justice revolving door or justice without accountability.
- Exercising leadership and cohesive control over other youths who should be our target. Young people are aspirational, wanting to emulate those people whom they judge as heroes or role models. Harmless enough unless that hero is a thug, so attacking the thugs, notoriety must be a primary strategy.
- The buzz and excitement, another harmless trait; however, when boredom evolves, the excitement of a more challenging activity becomes a magnet, and crime provides that outlet.
- Being free to choose whatever and whenever they want to do it. Freedom is reasonable but needs to be tempered with accountability for behaviour that affects others. Young people not being held to account is a Justice failure, promoting more antisocial behaviours.
- A sense of achievement. Aspirational achievements can be a good thing for youth and promote personal development, but essentially, where that manifests as criminal behaviour, it is essential to demonstrate to the youth that they have failed, not achieved. Walking from the court without a penalty feeds the negative aspect of this trait.
- Answering to no one, this is sometimes a myth that young people exploit because if they are not complying with society’s rules, there is no doubt they will be answering to other members of the criminal fraternity.
- Exercising power over victims, A very worrying behaviour if detected in a
relatively minor crime, it is a good indicator that this trait will evolve over time to become violent. Victims usually can’t fight back, so young thugs are motivated to exercise control by fear, and when that no longer works, a gradual increase in the severity of the violence to satisfy their power lust is inevitable.
- Beating the system plays an important role; thumbing their nose at the legal system reinforces all the other traits with their peers. Irrespective of what the adjudicating jurist may say or what the legal intricacies are of a court appearance by a thug, as they walk out the door, they have beaten it. The Jurist may not see it that way, but that doesn’t matter, as the Court has provided the power to the thug. The lectures from the bench given to thugs are just white noise and serve no practical purpose other than to enhance the bragging rights of the thug and perhaps gain some notoriety in tomorrow’s paper for the Jurist.
Restorative Justice is a major driver of this failure, as it has been allowed to infect the Judiciary, and the latest instructions to magistrates hearing bail applications show just how unhinged this concept is.
The ‘Bail Bench Book’, updated by the Judicial College of Victoria on October 3, instructs decision makers that they should continue to “impose the minimum intervention required” on accused young offenders.
The guide states: “A child, especially an Aboriginal child, should be released on bail, with conditions, wherever possible.
“Of course, there is a risk this will not succeed, or worse, but it can be a risk worth taking in the name of community safety via recovery and rehabilitation in the long run.”
What is outrageous in these instructions is the apparent laissez-faire attitude the Judicial College has towards the victims these youths prey on.
How dare they presume that the ‘risk worth taking’ to the potential victims is acceptable?
That is not justice by any stretch, and it is noteworthy that it is not the authors of this guidance who are taking the risk, it is the community..
What can be done to redress the issue?
The way we have dealt with youth thus far is an abject lesson in what not to do.
Role of the Courts – The Courts must return to their intended role and not try to be social engineers. In other words, stick to their kitting, which they are capable of doing very well.
Role of Schooling –What is absolutely beyond reproach is that young people who remain at school are far more likely to succeed and avoid a life of crime than those who do not.
The argument that granting bail enables the kids to attend school is an absolute rubbish argument. One of the primary reasons the child is in trouble in the first place is school non-attendance.
Schools must change their ways – When we have schools that would rather send the kids home to avoid dealing with behavioural issues, in the flawed belief that homeschooling is somehow beneficial.
Inevitably, those misconceptions dramatically increase our crime rate and the loss of those valuable assets as future contributors to our community —the kids.
The last thing that should happen is that they are sent home from school because most parents have to work to survive, and children not under supervision will not conform.
If that is not a receipt from crime, I don’t know what is.
This practice must stop, and schools must devise ways to discipline children within the school space. It wasn’t that long ago that schools did precisely that, so the solution needs to be resurrected.
The community first, not the thug. – Children who commit serious and persistent crimes must be incarcerated to protect the community and teach the child accountability for their behaviour.
The detention centres must focus on education so that children who are incarcerated cannot avoid structured education.
The argument is often that locking kids up will make them worse; however, the institution must address this issue and find innovative ways to manage juveniles – a reward-for-good-behaviour rather than a reward-to-achieve-good-behaviour philosophy should underpin its management philosophy.
Employment for juveniles – Rather than kids marking time at school, our young people entering the workforce must be revised.
The aspiration of parents for their children to achieve higher academically than they did is not a harmful trait; however, the pendulum has swung too far, creating unrealistic social pressure on families, particularly the children.
To succeed in life, education levels are only part of the equation and are not a panacea for success.
Whether a child is capable of joining the workforce is a matter that the market can determine entirely. An employer will not employ even a junior if they are not confident they can make a valuable contribution to the enterprise.
The minimum age must be reduced considerably.
The practice of raising the ages of accountability or other age-related restrictions must be pragmatically reviewed, and there is a strong argument for lowering them.
A young person of today is far more socially and physically developed than their counterpart of 30-40 years ago, when many of these restrictions were imposed. Just one metric—the average height of young people today—is a strong indicator that there has been a change.
A 12-year-old was historically too young to be employed. Still, today, they are generally better able to contribute to the workforce—a better alternative than wasting time at home (if they stay there) when they could be learning productive life skills and gaining practical experience, earning a wage. This concept would be applied on a case-by-case basis, determined by the market, as an employer is unlikely to hire someone who cannot provide a return on investment.
Youth initiatives – Traditionally, when we talk of new initiatives to manage youth, the perennial issue of boot camps is always at the fore.
We would oppose such a strategy because it is reactive and feeds into the thugs’ psyche, allowing them to use the experience not to mend their ways but to exacerbate them —bragging rights.
If a youth is so criminally misbehaved that they should go to a boot camp, they should be incarcerated, which should be the ultimate Boot Camp..
The most effective initiatives must be based on empirically measurable outcomes, and the most effective methods have not yet been devised, or if they were, have been discontinued.
There is a desperate need for all programs and youth initiatives to be identified and evaluated to avoid the wasteful use of resources and to promote and expand the effective ones.
The Parents
The role of parents when their children break the law creates a conundrum and has therefore never truly been debated.
Our view is that parents must accept responsibility, and that responsibility should be related to the child’s age. The younger the child, the more responsibility a parent or parents must assume.
Courts, on conviction of a Juvenile, must be given the role to determine reparation for the victims.
Moreover, the Courts must attach a value to the crime. A car stolen worth $2000 should be considered relevant in determining a thief’s penalty, to a car worth $100,000. That either car is, or is not, insured is irrelevant as the cost is borne not by the perpetrator but the community at large.
The liability to provide the determined amount must fall on the youth and their parents. if the youth is below working age.
Changes to Victoria’s child employment laws apply from 1 July 2023. … The Act applies to the employment of children under the age of 15.
In Victoria, the minimum age to work is generally 11 for certain delivery jobs, with most other work starting at 13 in retail and hospitality, though an employer must obtain a Child Employment Permit for anyone under 15.
Employment would be a good option for many delinquents, but the discipline to undertake work (Getting out of bed in the morning) is generally lost with many young people from a combination of weak family discipline, weak or no accountability for crime by the courts, and schools opting out of responsibility; the send-home policy.
Although much discussion is needed to come up with a definitive strategy around these issues, the introduction of reformation and accountability for parents will focus the minds of many parents when their child’s adverse behaviour hits their hip pocket.
The role of the Police –
Victoria Police historically had an enviable and proud record of proactive policing with a focus on youth; however, over the last decade or so, that record has been shattered by a series of Chief Commissioners who were incapable of seeing the larger picture, instead focusing nearly exclusively on reactive policing.
Although there has always been a commitment to youth and resources applied, most of the police work falls into the reactive side, much of it masked as proactive, indicating that police leaders didn’t understand the difference.
The strategies of Chief Commissioner Mike Bush translate into targeting young people effectively before they join the 300 club.
And that is precisely what needs to happen.
We are confident that Chief Commissioner Bush may turn out to be the leader who corrects the freefall into anarchy we are currently facing, not just in policing.
Conclusion
Like the educators, corrections, the judiciary, and the Police, all need to be creative and not too proud to resurrect initiatives that have been discarded, perhaps for ideological reasons or because managers want to be different.
Don’t spend wasted time reinventing the wheel; perhaps just modify it.
by CAA | Oct 22, 2025 | Library, Politics, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues
But two swallows can herald a fine summer is near.
Applying Aristotle’s theory to policing may seem odd and even a stretch, but recent events have given strong indications that the winter of discontent with policing in Victoria is drawing nigh, and a good summer looks to be invitingly within reach.
We refer to two recent events indicating that VicPol is quickly implementing change since the appointment of Mike Bush as the new Chief Commissioner.
With apologies to the two members for the analogy used, but it sort of works.
The first incident involved a news conference by Detective Inspector Graham Banks, whose straight-talking, candid comments about Juvenile incidents, including the Cobblebank murders of two young boys by machete-wielding thugs, was a refreshing departure from standard police rhetoric, telling the community the truth without any hint of political or other filters.
The second incident, following the most recent violent demonstrations in Melbourne, was a news conference by Commander Wayne Cheeseman, supported by props collected from the demonstration site, who provided an unsanitised, non-partisan description for all Victorians to absorb.
Telling the truth also contradicted sections of the media that had tried to fudge the actual actions of participants in the violent demonstration, leaving it open for the Advance Australia group, predominantly mums and dads, to be as culpable as the radical left.
His forthright approach left nobody in doubt that they were not responsible for the violence, as they were cooperative with the police throughout their demonstration, and it was the cowardly masked suspected professional protesters who instigated and pursued violence.
These thugs have lost any connection to a specific cause; they only aim to cause chaos.
It is essential to provide the police with the resources needed to handle this rabble, who cast a negative pall over any Victorian or group of Victorians wishing to express their views through a demonstration. We all should feel free to speak our minds without being lumped in with the rabble of the extreme left, better described as Anarchists.
One of the tools that would give the police the edge and reduce the dangers to police members and the community from improvised weapons that the anarchists use is to supply VicPol with a water cannon.
VicPol has a duty of care to all its members to ensure they are equipped to deal with issues that confront them in performing their duty.
Minimising the risk of incurring harm while performing that duty must be a given.
We have recently written on the difficulties that some police have encountered in trying to gain compensation for injuries suffered, with a number of legal decisions going against the members.
There is no doubt that equipping Victoria Police with suitable water cannon vehicles, ideal for crowd control, will cost, but the cost will be well offset by a reduction in Workcover claims caused by this duty.
We will also see a marked reduction in violence at demonstrations when the troublemakers know they are certain to be hosed down.
However, the Premier has now announced that the Government is pursuing face-covering legislation to combat the surge in violent acts.
Talk about underwhelming.
Since when does making the wearing of facemasks illegal stop scum from throwing rocks and other missiles at police?
This approach by the Government flies in the face of what the new Chief Commissioner is trying to change.
The Force’s direction, from one that’s focused on arresting perpetrators as the first line of defence, to a more effective method, which we support, is to stop crime in the first place.
An enlightened Chief Commissioner knows that arrests may seem effective, but it is the Courts’ handling of the criminal that makes the difference, and at this stage, penalties imposed are manifestly inadequate, hence the escalating crime rates and lawlessness.
The legal system isn’t effective, so the effort to reduce crime by prevention is and should be a no-brainer, as the new Chief espouses.
A force that prioritises compliance through measures like water cannons, primarily to be used as a deterrent, but if compliance is not achieved, to prevent the situation from getting totally out of hand, without injuring not only the police but also innocent members of the community who might accidentally get caught up in a confrontation, is on the right track.
The current strategy has no fail-safe approach should the anarchists raise their level of aggression.
The stress level of the Police will be substantially reduced if the big brother standing behind them has the power of a water cannon.
If you were in their shoes, you would feel the same anxieties and sometimes fear that the Police feel when confronted by the anarchist types they are currently dealing with.
The problem is that these particular lowlifes use any means to inflict injuries on police, and the unpredictability as to what weapons they employ increases the negative pressure on the police members, a deliberate tool in their arsenal.
That anxiety can escalate to become a debilitating consequence, so all Victorians are obliged to take whatever action is necessary to provide police with the ability to reduce their risk factors, and that is where Water Cannons are so important.
The basic approach to the use of these tools by the Police would require legislation to protect the members and the Force from litigation arising out of their use.
Proper use in conjunction with a permit system for demonstrations mirroring the highly successful New South Wales model would ensure permit compliance and where the permit is breached, the capacity to douse miscreants with a spray would generally reduce violent demonstrators resolve; however, if that fails, the cannons can be used to physically remove people from their intended path without exposing members to undue physical or psychological damage.
Simply making masks unlawful is not a great help, only assisting with identifying perpetrators post-event – we want the action pre-event to avoid Police being tied up pursuing offences which may attract only minimal sanctions – police have more important things to do like protecting us from machete attack.
by CAA | Oct 16, 2025 | Industrial Action, Library, Media, Politics, PTSD, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues
Herald Sun, October 15, 2025.
“In a move that has sent shockwaves through the Force, lawyers have successfully argued against any State liability because police officers are sworn officers, not employees.
The argument has been upheld in a number of recent decisions in the County Court that have prompted calls for the Allan government to urgently reform existing legislation that has become a barrier to claims by psychologically injured officers.”
In knocking out the claim, the County Court held that there was no basis for the imposition of a duty of care in favour of the officer.”
Resulting from this legal decision, the indemnity of the State from liability to compensate police injured on duty or who later suffer from PTSI is deplorable. The issue of vicarious liability was also discussed, but faced the same fate for the Police.
“The issue of vicarious liability being owed to injured officers has drawn comparisons by the court to a recent High Court decision, known as Bird v DP, that held that institutions could not be held liable for sexual abuse if an offending priest or member of an institution was not in an employment relationship.”- HS
All of these legal manoeuvres to avoid liability by the government have not been happening behind closed doors, or in a vacuum, so the Government must have been aware of what was being foisted on the Police, and, for that matter, every other sworn person employed or otherwise in the State who are not covered by specific legislation.
Which brings us straight to the Premier, who surely would have been briefed on the risks of these legal findings posed.
Having considered the risk, I wonder if the Premier will be bothered to walk outside and have a friendly chat with her own personal security detail.
The conversation might be along the lines of;
“Hi, guys. You may have read about the court’s finding that you are not covered, should you take a bullet for me? The mental anguish is not covered, but rest assured, we will do something about it at some time.”
“You can at least take heart that should the unthinkable happen and you make the ultimate sacrifice, I will very much appreciate it, and your family has your super, and we promise to leave that alone (at this stage), apart from taxes”.
The State does not owe you a duty of care, but I care; No, I mean I really, really, really do care, believe me, now back to work”.
Equally inane in this legal debacle is that the Judiciary also relies on the police for their safety. Although for obvious security reasons it is not public knowledge, there is no doubt that in certain high-risk proceedings, the jurists are provided with close personal security. We wonder how those Police feel now.
It was also reported in the same article that;
“Australian Lawyers Alliance Victorian President, Susan Accary, on Wednesday called for urgent reforms”.
“Recent court decisions that have allowed Victoria Police to avoid responsibility for injuries to police officers do not reflect the general understanding of the employment relationship between the police force and its officers,” she said”.
“Police officers are employed by the state and are engaged in critical, dangerous and sometimes, traumatic, work.”
“It is unfortunate that the law as it currently stands allows the state to avoid their obligations to their officers.
“Police officers, who often work in a high-risk environment for the benefit of the community, should be able to rely on the state to provide them with the support they need if they are injured at work.”
The risk of more police industrial action is real, as no police member would want to or should be forced to go to work without protection, so it is somewhat interesting that the Police Association is not pursuing a mass walkout of Police.
It is ironic that the last Police strike in 1923 occurred just before the Spring Racing Carnival. The Victoria Police force at the time was understaffed, poorly paid compared to other State police forces, and lacked an industry pension. Although the Police now have Superannuation, the rest of the similarities have a certain Déjà Vu ring.
To follow the illogical legal argument proffered in the courts, the relationship between any sworn person and their employer is a relationship without a ‘duty of care’.
The list of people who are now exposed is extensive, but not limited to,
Clergy, Municipal Office bearers (Mayors), all politicians, the Governor, all Judges and other jurists, even your local scout master, in fact, anybody that takes an oath as part of their employment, paid or otherwise, would seem to immediately exclude their employer from any ‘duty of care’.
If this logic is followed, the employee ceases to be an employee in the usual sense of the word, making it equally outrageous.
This could only happen in Victoria.
by CAA | Oct 15, 2025 | Library, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues
Victoria’s New Chief Commissioner, Mike Bush, has announced a major restructure of Victoria Police in an effort to make inroads into the burgeoning crime rates.
Although we may not know the full extent of this restructure, what has been reported is extremely good news.
Good news for those of us who favour effective policing based on the community’s needs.
The CAA has advocated these changes for over a decade, through the tenure of five Chief Commissioners who couldn’t or didn’t want to witness the flawed process of ineffective Reactive policing.
Coupled with their lack of leadership skills, the current crime imbroglio was inevitable.
The legacy left behind is that a number of Police officers who were promoted under the flawed reactive model will have difficulty adjusting to the new and modern policing methodology.
They should seriously consider their future and perhaps step aside.
For those who won’t accept the change and take the honourable option, Chief Commissioner Bush has no other choice but to take decisive action to prevent these members from tainting the Police workforce as they adopt this critical change.
The broad principles of freeing up desk-bound police to bolster the proactive function of the force are long overdue.
Similarly, reducing a top-heavy structure that has, for years, consumed both resources and hindered decision-making, drawing decisions up to the hierarchy, far removed from the issue, has effectively diminished the Force’s effectiveness rather than enhancing it.
Solutions to challenges by successive Chiefs Commissioners have led to the creation of more bureaucracies, resulting in more Police being promoted to executive roles and their staff being drawn from the frontline.
The vision by Bush is laudable, focusing on reducing crime before it happens is not a soft option, as some Police hardheads will argue. Their views on reactive (lock ’em up) policing as the way to curb crime have been a failure over the last decade, and it is refreshing to talk about a renaissance of good policing.
It is reported that the Force is facing a mass exodus, which may turn out to be a blessing for the Force and the State.
Some serving members eyeing retirement to escape the fundamentally flawed Police strategy of the last decade may be persuaded to change their minds upon seeing the new direction. Hopefully, many of the hardheads will exit rather than try to adapt to the proactive model.
That would be a significant win for Policing in this state, as many of the ranked members are entrenched in the reactive model and were promoted on this basis.
Their future promotion or retention looks bleak.
The announcement that former or retired Police officers will be offered positions to relieve operational members of administrative duties is not only very sensible but also highly desirable for the benefit of the Force and the Community.
As many of these former members served the Force when it was focused on prevention, they will be an excellent role model to convert sceptical members who have never had that experience.
There are many ex-members who are not so old but resigned for family reasons. Now, as their families grow older, they may relish a return to the Policing fold to restart their careers, given that many of them served before the Force became reactive.
This recruiting cohort could provide the Force with the numbers boost needed to strengthen the proactive model implementation.
The key will be the flexibility and attractiveness of the employment offer.
We hope that this new direction includes a proper Police In Schools Program, which supports Secondary Schools from which most of our juvenile cohort emerge. Not only will this divert many from crime, but it will also create fertile ground for recruiting young people to pursue relevant studies that will equip them to join the Force after leaving school.
We also hope that the Blue Light Disco project is reinvigorated to provide direct interaction between youth and Police aimed at developing long-term positive influences with our youth.
To round out this particular trilogy, the Force needs to take a fresh look at Operation New-Start, designed to keep children in school and off the streets.
Recently published figures on school attendance are abysmal, likely due to schools simply sending problematic children home. Hence, the contribution by this cohort of bored children to the crime epidemic.
Probably a product of the Super School concept, where young people are lost in the system, the only way to improve the situation is to make the necessary legislative adjustments so these children can find employment.
If school doesn’t work for them, joining the workforce at a young age will equip them with life skills for the future, rather than sitting around wasting their life and being drawn to crime.
The current VCAL option is education-focused rather than career-focused and fails troubled kids.
Idle hands are the devil’s workshop.
By adopting this strategy, the net benefit to the State would be immeasurable as opposed to the impact of them committing crimes.
Each of these projects works well in isolation but are highly successful when worked as a trilogy.
This strategy will be far more effective and cheaper than the much-vaunted boot camp concept.
by CAA | Oct 12, 2025 | Library, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues
In this “And Why Is That?” Podcast interview, Francis Galbally—a Melbourne businessman, former barrister, and descendant of one of Victoria’s most distinguished legal families—speaks candidly about law and order, judicial culture, immigration, and political decay in Victoria. The discussion paints a grim portrait of a state in moral and institutional decline, and a political class indifferent to citizens’ safety. Watch now: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DxmN2opbWkQ&t=24s
Legal heritage and background
Galbally opens by tracing his family’s long association with law and politics. His grandfather, Sir Norman O’Brien, and his uncle were Supreme Court judges. His father, Frank Galbally, was one of Melbourne’s most celebrated criminal lawyers, while his uncle Jack Galbally was both a barrister and Labor parliamentarian. Though raised in a Labor household, his father later defected to the Liberal Party under Malcolm Fraser, frustrated with Gough Whitlam’s economic mismanagement. Francis notes that his father played a key role in establishing the SBS network and migrant support services. Proudly Irish-Catholic and a lifelong Collingwood supporter, Galbally represents a lineage of civic engagement and public service.
Lawlessness and the erosion of order
The interview’s central thread is the perceived collapse of law and order. Galbally responds to the brutal murder of two Sudanese-Australian boys in Melbourne’s west, describing it as emblematic of societal decay. He blames government failure, weak policing, and soft judicial culture for creating conditions in which violent youth gangs and organised crime flourish. “We have a government out of control,” he says, accusing Premier Jacinta Allan of ignoring lawlessness in the construction industry and broader community. Public safety—the most fundamental responsibility of government—has, he argues, been abandoned.
Galbally fears a drift toward vigilantism, recalling incidents where citizens have fought back against carjackers. While understanding the impulse, he warns that this path would lead to “a total breakdown of society, a law of the jungle.” Instead, he urges government leadership, cultural renewal within the police force, and stronger judicial resolve. The new police commissioner, he says approvingly, is “a hard-ass” from New Zealand who may finally restore discipline, but entrenched culture will take years to fix.
Judicial accountability and community safety
Galbally’s sharpest criticism is reserved for the judiciary’s handling of bail and repeat offenders. Police morale, he argues, is crushed when offenders are repeatedly released. He calls for tougher bail laws and for magistrates and judges to “respect the community.” Judicial independence must not mean judicial detachment. Parliament, reflecting public expectation, should clarify the law to remove excessive discretion in youth and violent cases.
He also urges parental responsibility: parents of minors who commit crimes should face financial penalties for damages. This, he believes, would reshape attitudes in households where children drift into crime. He also calls for adult sentencing of violent offenders over 14, echoing recent Queensland reforms: “If you knife somebody at 14, you should be tried as an adult.”
While acknowledging a few positive judicial examples—such as the judge’s reasoning in Victoria’s “mushroom poisoning” case—Galbally insists systemic leniency has destroyed deterrence. Yet he is careful to defend the institution of the judiciary, praising Victoria’s judicial appointments process as merit-based and free from political interference, unlike the partisan U.S. Supreme Court.
Government distraction and media complicity
The hosts and Galbally agree that serious crime stories vanish quickly from news coverage, replaced by “shiny distractions.” He accuses the government and compliant media of deliberately shifting attention away from violence, using the announcement of new Indigenous treaty initiatives as an example of political deflection. The Premier, he says, has failed even to meet the families of slain children: “She has no interest. It’s indecent.” For Galbally, this symbolises moral cowardice and misplaced priorities in Victoria’s leadership class.
He broadens this critique to the “crisis of leadership” generally. Citizens, he argues, now march in the streets over overseas issues while ignoring violence at home. “Where is the outrage?” he asks. “We are frightened in our own streets.” He describes personally carrying defensive tools when walking in Melbourne, reflecting widespread insecurity.
Culture, patriotism, and social cohesion
Galbally sees this insecurity as part of a larger erosion of civic identity. He contrasts Australia’s cultural ambivalence with America’s unapologetic patriotism—its ubiquitous flags and sense of unity. Australia, he laments, now regards flag-waving as “fascist,” while tolerating terrorist symbols like Hamas or ISIS flags: “That’s rubbish. People flying a terrorist flag should be jailed.” Burning the national flag, he adds, should also be a criminal offence, as it “insults every citizen.”
Turning to technology and governance, Galbally dismisses the government’s “e-safety” agenda as a distraction from real threats. He warns that such programs risk morphing into surveillance and censorship, arguing that digital regulation is futile when technology evolves faster than government oversight.
Crime, commerce, and fear in the city
Galbally describes how rising urban crime has hollowed out Melbourne’s retail life. Luxury retailers in Collins Street, he says, have seen foot traffic fall by 40% post-pandemic because customers feel unsafe. CCTV footage shows regular smash-and-grab attempts, scaring both staff and patrons. As a result, consumers stay home and shop online, eroding civic life. He points to U.S. examples—New York under Giuliani and Eric Adams—where heavy police presence restored safety and revived urban life. “Zero tolerance works,” he insists.
Immigration, integration, and the economy
Galbally supports immigration but warns that poor management of volume and composition can strain housing and cohesion. He recounts Australia’s long history of migrant waves—from Irish and Italians to Vietnamese—each facing early suspicion before integrating successfully. Problems arise mainly with second-generation youths who feel detached from both cultures. Migration, he insists, is essential to Australia’s prosperity, but must be tied to housing capacity and clear vetting standards: “This is not the White Australia policy; it’s about realism.”
Leadership and political decline
In closing, Galbally laments the absence of true leadership in Australian politics. Both major parties, he argues, are structurally incapable of renewal. Labor is dominated by “union hacks” and career professionals with no real-world experience; the Liberals, conversely, are inward-looking, male-dominated, and disconnected from working Australians. Smart, capable people avoid politics altogether. “Why would anyone want to go into politics today?” he asks. “It’s ugly, brutal, and unrewarding.” His prescription is radical but simple: Australia needs a new political movement built on integrity, civic pride, and competence.
Conclusion
The interview paints Francis Galbally as a tough-minded realist alarmed by Victoria’s moral and institutional decay. His central thesis is that public safety is the foundation of civilisation—without it, no social policy or moral vision can stand. He believes leadership, judicial clarity, and civic pride must be restored before Australia loses confidence in its own laws and values. For Galbally, law and order are not partisan issues but existential ones—the cornerstone of a functioning democracy.
by CAA | Oct 11, 2025 | Library, Politics, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues
It was reported in the Herald Sun on the 6th of October 2025 that “Magistrate Carolyn Burnside late last month warned corrections officials and police they were ‘in contempt of court’, effectively for not bringing a prisoner to court, in defiance of a ‘jail order’ requiring them to do so.
It would seem that in making an internal political administrative point, it is acceptable to publicly disregard evidence and ignore community safety issues, which the magistrate has failed to consider.
Once under the control of Corrections, it is their task to convey prisoners to courts, not the job of the police.
The Prisoner, a lifetime heroin addict, was tossed out on the street by the magistrate, trying to make an internal point over the inconvenience to her Court.
With the judicious use of technology, prisoners would not be required to attend court for procedural matters or, for that matter, their Trial.
While the vast majority of us have a great deal of admiration and respect for Judges, Magistrates and other jurists, our collective community attitude and trust in the court system is severely damaged by intemperate comments from a member of the bench who is obviously an outlier.
It is an absolute disgrace that a Prisoner who has not been found guilty of any offence, only charged, must wait so long to have his matter resolved.
Ms Burnside apparently invited prisoners to start applying for bail and said she would find it a “very attractive” proposition to release them.
Without considering the consequences of each case, this pronouncement is tantamount to contempt of all the courts that have refused bail for prisoners.
These prisoners she refers to are not your Sunday School types, but generally the worst of the worst, an unacceptable risk.
The Government must take action to ensure this Magistrate does not implement her threat, so we do not have at-risk prisoners free to roam and commit other crimes.
by CAA | Oct 7, 2025 | Library, Politics, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues
The current imbroglio of the impact of youth and other criminals has the community firmly pointing the finger at the Courts, highlighted by the recent granting of bail to a recidivist offender to go on an overseas holiday.
The reality is that in a democracy, the government of the day must respond to community concerns about lenient sentencing and the manipulation of bail laws by Courts, or face electoral consequences.
Although they might not want to, the Government has to respond positively or face the backlash, which means more than just ‘tightening’, a euphemism for, fiddling around the edges, to fix the legal system failures and then exercising the dark art of trying to convince the electorate they are doing something and hoping to get away with spin instead of adequately addressing the problem.
We wonder if it’s the role of the Government to fix the issue or whether the Courts themselves should be held accountable for the current malaise.
It is perhaps time that the administrators of Justice in this State take responsibility and take some action to ensure continuity in proper jurisprudence.
If the administrators do not take decisive action, the government will inevitably be compelled to intervene, which will further erode the independence of the judges.
The Magistrate responsible for allowing a recidivist to continue on bail so he could travel overseas on a family holiday, irrespective of what excuse can be conjured up, is outrageous and totally unacceptable, reinforcing in the mind of the child that his offending is not serious. He goes on an overseas holiday while the victims are left to stew in their damaged emotions.
The family would have had to cancel the trip if their son had been bailed – there was always a simple and obvious option for the Magistrate – refuse bail, problem solved.
The bureaucracy of the Court administration is culpable for not immediately transferring this Magistrate to an administrative position; that action would send a message to all members of the bench.
As jurists make more inappropriate decisions, the only ones hitting the headlines are the most outrageous. However, every day, poor choices that work against the law’s objective of maintaining community safety are flaunted mercilessly by unaccountable jurists. And we wonder why crime is escalating?
Their independence will be further eroded as the public demands that the government take action, and that action will, by necessity, restrict jurists’ independence even further.
We are not convinced that it is necessarily a good thing, in the long term, because it won’t address poor oversight, training, and management of the judiciary.
The jurists must learn to ‘read the room’ and listen to the community or face the consequences.
The second and equally important issue that Court administrators face is the inordinate delay in bringing miscreants to court to be held to account for their behaviour. ‘Justice delayed is justice denied, ’ an ancient legal maxim attributed to William Ewart Gladstone, circa 1868, is regularly ignored by Victorian Courts.
Whether it is poor administration of Court lists, poor performance and failure to meet KPI’s by Jurists, delaying or exacerbating proceedings, or they are overloaded, the latter an administrative failing, we don’t know, but what we do know is the Courts have focused entirely on the perpetrator, and that is not the absolute role of the Courts.
Continually overlooked in the legal process is the impact of Court decisions and delays on the sector of the community that is the INNOCENT; the victims, a cohort to proceedings continually overlooked by the Courts.
The victims not only have to suffer the financial and or physical consequences of a crime, but, to rub salt into the wound, many of which are very deep, they also suffer the indignity of not being considered appropriately in the court process, with their convenience not a consideration.
We never hear of a Court rejecting a procedural delay in proceedings, such as a bail application, due to the unfair impact on a victim, which would drag the case out and penalise the victim further.
The Courts are guilty of facilitating these delays and punishing the victims.
The failure of courts to ensure reparation for victims, whether the perpetrator has the capacity to provide reparation to the victim or not, should not be a court consideration.
The level of reparation should be based entirely on the facts of the case and be commensurate with the damage done. The recovery of the reparation should be referred to the Sheriff for action. If an offender is unable to pay and has that debt hanging over their head, they might think twice before committing further crimes, which is an effective deterrent.
It is well past time that a Royal Commission be established to examine the Courts’ processes, the accountability and application of the law by Judges, and critically, the treatment of victims.
by CAA | Sep 24, 2025 | Library, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues
The headline in today’s Herald Sun,Thin blue line: Police exodus exposed, 24th September 2025, is not good news, particularly for a State where crime is rampant and the safety of all of us is severely compromised.
The synergy of these two headlines is not lost.
With over 1,000 job vacancies at the Victoria Police, it is no wonder that the tolerance for criminals needs adjustment, but without the necessary resources, the chances are next to zero.
It is time to apply some lateral thinking to the issue, because doing nothing is as criminal as the problem that needs addressing.
Closing Police Stations is not the answer, and the negative impact on communities in the closures has a profoundly adverse effect on the communities they are designed to serve.
It is often said in police parlance that the visible police presence is one of the most effective anti-crime strategies available, but it extends just as strongly to the cop on the beat as to the cop at the station.
A closed station sends the message that there are no police present.
The reality is that police are still generally engaged in mobile patrols and other policing activities, but this doesn’t sit well with a victim trying to report a crime or seeking refuge in a police station, which is seen as both a symbolic and real safe haven in times of crisis.
It is like having a hospital in your neighbourhood. Even if you don’t use it, it’s nice to know it is there. If it were removed, it would leave a vacuum in your healthcare.
Perhaps more critically, anybody with substantial experience with the crooks in our society will tell you that overall, they are not the ‘sharpest tools in the shed’, and this is multiplied dramatically with juveniles, our worst offending cohort.
The dots incorrectly joined by this cohort when a Police Station is closed is that there are no Police working, any deterrence evaporates, leaving in their minds a free kick, often to some poor victim’s head.
But how do we fix this problem and reduce the pressure on the Police trying to do their job in a Force that is so poorly manned, while also addressing the exodus of police to the North and the lack of service capacity here?
Improving conditions for the approximately 18,000 members in this State is not the solution. Victoria Police have one of the best employment conditions in Australia, and we would argue that this likely compares favourably internationally.
Having achieved all these conditions, there is little, if any, effort to promote just how good they are.
The current state of IR with Victoria Police is akin to the Hawthorne experiment by Psychologist Elton Mayo, but applied force-wide.
Known as the Hawthorne effect, Mayo demonstrated that merely improving physical conditions was not itself the primary factor in increasing productivity and, in turn, job satisfaction.
The studies highlighted the importance of social factors, teamwork, and improved communication in motivating employees; shifting focus from purely physical or financial incentives to the socio-psychological aspects of work was the key.
There is, however, a broad spectrum of suitable people who could be used to relieve the pressure on members, enhancing the one thing that industrial action cannot achieve: job satisfaction.
The final thing to consider is a lowering of standards and the negative impact this could and will have on the workforce. Creating a dual approach to standards and driving a substantial wedge between those who achieved the standards and those who joined via a lowered standard.
Any missteps professionally or socially within the Force by members who joined when standards are lowered will have an immediate and negative impact on the member. ‘You were not good enough.’
Long-term pain for short-term gain is never a good strategy and reflects poorly on police management, which is unable to fix the problem.
The lowering of standards has a negative effect, even if subtle, on all former and serving members who have achieved the normal high standard. They are very proud of this, but it has been undermined by management’s inability to address the problem.
There is also a risk that members who join at a lower standard could be spurned by those who meet the higher standard, a second-grade Force.
The answer to this issue lies not just with effective recruiting to attract new members but with utilising the vast resource of former members who, for whatever reason, left the Force.
And they are not all geriatrics.
There would be a very large number of former Police Officers who resigned for family reasons, and now that their children are old enough, they would love to return to the Force in a limited capacity.
The advantages are substantial.
- These applicants would only need limited retraining to update.
- Their life experiences outside the Force bubble will make them better equipped for interpersonal public contacts.
- A substantial number of these re-appointees could offer the Force a substantial increase in resource capability and flexibility, relieving operational members from tasks of low risk for public order responses.
- The influx of these re-appointees could have a dramatic and positive effect on the public perception and the Force’s perception of the negative impact of increased job vacancies.
What is hidden from the Public, and perhaps not acknowledged by senior Police administrators, is the number of patrols that are not provided due to resource deficiencies.
The current imbroglio, rampant and climbing crime rates, substantial police exodus from the Force and poor recruiting, based on quantitative rather than qualitative principles, must be addressed as a major threat to the Force’s administration.
The Force cannot just cry poor to avoid addressing this problem. With over 1,000 current vacancies, those positions must be funded, or they wouldn’t be vacancies, but Force staffing reductions.
A cynic may suggest that the current situation is nothing more than a ‘clever way’ for the Government to reduce expenditure, irrespective of the adverse impact on the community.
With other public service jobs being slashed, there may well be an increased pool of suitable applicants for the Victoria Police.
The CAA calls on the Government to immediately implement a highly public recruiting drive to bring the Victoria Police staffing numbers up to authorised strength.
With crime rampant, the time for action is NOW.
by CAA | Sep 21, 2025 | Illicit Drugs, Library, Politics, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues
CAA Comment
We live in hope that in this country we will not stoop to such ridiculous levels to justify criminal behaviour.
There is no sound justification for allowing Drug users to be part of the solution when they are the problem. It’s like handing over the problem of alcoholism to alcoholics. A free grog policy is inevitable.
These hair-brained strategies are often argued to be a solution, perhaps a solution like solving the speeding problem by eliminating speed limits, solving shop stealing by legalising the removal of items from a shop, the list goes on.
The endgame is a complete breakdown of law and order, chaos in all our lives.
Having users and addicts designing and implementing drug policy can never succeed, especially when those groups are in denial. Ask any drug addict or alcoholic if they are addicted, and the answer is, by and large, emphatically, “No, I could give it up at any time”.
What is often overlooked in the entire drug addiction debate is the real victims of this vile trade—not the addicts themselves, but their families and all the innocent people affected by the crimes committed to sustain their addiction. All the resources spent on their self-inflicted dependency and treatment come at our expense. Yet, that is never acknowledged by the progressive “harm reduction” advocates, who seem hell-bent on normalising the behaviour and creating a society based on a Drug nirvana, all while they are high on the drugs they are supposed to manage.
Instead of the harm reduction approach, drug use or addiction must be excluded as a mitigating factor in criminal prosecutions and sentencing, with a focus on the offence and the perpetrators’ culpability.
The bottom line is that very few of the many thousands of addicts were forced to take the drugs they became addicted to. Equally, they never sought help, but addicts taking responsibility is very rare indeed.
Canada’s policy of deferring to the “leadership” of drug users has proved predictably disastrous. The United States (and Australia) should take heed.
Progressive “harm reduction” advocates have insisted for decades that active users should take a central role in crafting drug policy. While this belief is profoundly reckless—akin to letting drunk drivers set traffic laws—it is now entrenched in many left-leaning jurisdictions. The harms and absurdities of the position cannot be understated.
While the harm-reduction movement is best known for championing public-health interventions that supposedly minimise the negative effects of drug use, it also has a “social justice” component. In this context, harm reduction tries to redefine addicts as a persecuted minority and illicit drug use as a human right.
This campaign traces its roots to the 1980s and early 1990s, when “queer” activists, desperate to reduce the spread of HIV, began operating underground needle exchanges to curb infections among drug users. These exchanges and similar efforts allowed some more extreme LGBTQ groups to form close bonds with addicts and drug-reform advocates. Together, they normalised the concept of harm reduction, such that, within a few years, needle exchanges would become officially sanctioned public-health interventions.
The alliance between these more radical gay rights advocates and harm-reduction proponents proved enduring. Drug addiction remained linked to HIV, and both groups shared a deep hostility to the police, capitalism, and society’s “moralising” forces.
In the 1990s, harm-reduction proponents imitated the LGBTQ community’s advocacy tactics. They realised that addicts would have greater political capital if they were considered a persecuted minority group, which could legitimise their demands for extensive accommodations and legal protections under human rights laws. Harm reductionists thus argued that addiction was a kind of disability, and that, like the disabled, active users were victims of social exclusion who should be given a leading role in crafting drug policy.
These arguments were not entirely specious. Addiction can reasonably be considered a mental and physical disability because illicit drugs hijack users’ brains and bodies. But being disabled doesn’t necessarily mean that one is part of a persecuted group, much less that one should be given control over public policy.
More fundamentally, advocates were wrong to argue that the stigma associated with drug addiction was senseless persecution. In fact, it was a reasonable response to anti-social behaviour. Drug addiction severely impairs a person’s judgment, often making him a threat to himself and others. Someone who is constantly high and must rob others to fuel his habit is a self-evident danger to society.
Despite these obvious pitfalls, portraying drug addicts as a persecuted minority group became increasingly popular in the 2000s, thanks to several North American AIDS organisations that pivoted to addiction work after the HIV epidemic subsided.
In 2005, the Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network published a report titled “Nothing about us without us.” (The nonprofit joined other groups in publishing an international version in 2008.) The 2005 report included a “manifesto” written by Canadian drug users, who complained that they were “among the most vilified and demonised groups in society” and demanded that policymakers respect their “expertise and professionalism in addressing drug use.”
The international report argued that addiction qualified as a disability under international human rights treaties, and called on governments to “enact anti-discrimination or protective laws to reduce human rights violations based on dependence to drugs.” It further advised that drug users be heavily involved in addiction-related policy and decision-making bodies; that addict-led organisations be established and amply funded; and that “community-based organisations. . . increase involvement of people who use drugs at all levels of the organisation.”
While the international report suggested that addicts could serve as effective policymakers, it also presented them as incapable of basic professionalism. In a list of “dos and don’ts,” the authors counselled potential employers to pay addicts in cash and not to pass judgment if the money was spent on drugs.
They also encouraged policymakers to hold meetings “in a low-key setting or in a setting where users already hang out,” and to avoid scheduling meetings at “9 a.m., or on welfare cheque issue day.” In cases where addicts must travel for policy-related work, the report recommended policymakers provide “access to sterile injecting equipment” and “advice from a local person who uses drugs.”
The international report further asserted that if an organisation’s employees—even those who are former drug users—were bothered by the presence of addicts, then management should refer those employees to counselling at the organisation’s expense. “Under no circumstances should [drug addicts] be reprimanded, singled out or made to feel responsible in any way for the triggering responses of others,” stressed the authors.
Reflecting the document’s general hostility to recovery, the international report emphasized that former drug addicts “can never replace involvement of active users” in public policy work, because people in recovery “may be somewhat disconnected from the community they seek to represent, may have other priorities than active users, may sometimes even have different and conflicting agenda, and may find it difficult to be around people who currently use drugs.”
The messaging in these reports proved highly influential throughout the 2000s and 2010s.
In Canada, federal and provincial human rights legislation expanded to protect active addicts on the basis of disability. Reformers in the United States mirrored Canadian activists’ appeals to addicts’ “lived experience,” albeit with less success. For now, American anti-discrimination protections only extend to people who have a history of addiction but who are not actively using drugs.
The harm reduction movement reached its zenith in the early 2020s, after the COVID-19 pandemic swept the world and instigated a global spike in addiction. During this period, North American drug-reform activists again promoted the importance of treating addicts like public-health experts.
Canada was at the forefront of this push. For example, the Canadian Association of People Who Use Drugs released its “Hear Us, See Us, Respect Us” report in 2021, which recommended that organisations “deliberately choose to normalise the culture of drug use” and pay addicts $25-50 per hour.
The authors stressed that employers should pay addicts “under the table” in cash to avoid jeopardising access to government benefits.
These ideas had a profound impact on Canadian drug policy. Throughout the country, public health officials pushed for radical pro-drug experiments, including giving away free heroin-strength opioids without supervision, simply because addicts told researchers that doing so would be helpful.
In 2024, British Columbia’s top doctor even called for the legalisation of all illicit drugs (“non-medical safer supply”) primarily on the basis of addict testimonials, with almost no other supporting evidence.
For Canadian policymakers, deferring to the “lived experiences” and “leadership” of drug users meant giving addicts almost everything they asked for. The results were predictably disastrous: crime, public disorder, overdoses, and program fraud skyrocketed. Things have been less dire in the United States, where the harm reduction movement is much weaker.
But Americans(and Australians) should be vigilant and ensure that this ideology does not flower in their own backyard.
by CAA | Sep 8, 2025 | Illicit Drugs, Victoria Police Issues
Police break ranks on youth crime outcomes.
This headline screamed in the Herald Sun, 8th of September 2025, suggesting a rift has been triggered between the Government and the Police.
It is a pity that the reality escaped the journalist because in this instance, a Detective Inspector gave a press statement expressing his professional view, and that should be encouraged, not pilloried.
We do not see a rift, breaking ranks or anything resembling that. What we do see, however, and it is very pleasing, is the Police exercising the separation of powers.
The Politicians are entitled to express their views, and because the Police Force is an independent authority, they should be able to express theirs.
Something we have failed to see for over a decade, as consecutive Police Commissioners gagged Police members.
It does not help us at all to have the Government, the Judiciary and the Police collaborating on communication to the people who employ them, us.
An independent approach is much healthier for the community and the State overall, as it will highlight where the problems exist and make the various Pillars of Law enforcement accountable; they can’t hide behind each other.
If the Judiciary, the Government, or the Police are not performing to community expectations, it is incumbent on the professionals within these branches of law enforcement to expose the truth. Law enforcement will benefit, as will the community.
We may now see many more members of the Force who express their professional views, like Detective Inspector Graham Banks.
There will be several major benefits in this shift away from gagging the Police.
A better-informed community will therefore pressure the areas of Law enforcement that are failing to perform to their expectations, and we accept that on occasions this will impact the Force; however, exposing factual information about police failings makes for a better Police Force.
A former Chief Commissioner, the late Mick Miller, once told me that praise for the work of the Police was welcome, albeit warm and fuzzy, but the real benefit came from the Force critics that bring about improved performance.
The Force has no hope of improving without positive feedback.
For too long, the Force has operated under a cone of silence, hoping that any failings will go unnoticed and unexposed by the Police themselves.
The immediate and positive consequence of this change will be a dramatic improvement in the satisfaction levels and confidence the community has in their Force.
This change will also have a dramatic and positive effect on Police morale. Seeing their leaders demonstrate leadership is very healthy, and it gives confidence to all Police that others are not manipulating them. This approach also ensures that the views of the police are being heard.
It behoves all former Police to make themselves heard on this issue in support of Banks and the Chief Commissioner.
The experiences the Police were exposed to during the COVID-19 Pandemic at times were akin to stormtroopers, and had a deleterious effect on all members, current and former, and most of the impact resonates to this day, having perhaps irreparably damaged the relationship between the Police and the community.
Seeing the Police Force used as an instrument of Government must never happen again.
To avoid repetition, more Police leaders like Banks should stand up to express their professional views, making the force healthier.
There have been far too many good former Police officers who lost their careers because they spoke out, making this change even more refreshing, if not bittersweet.
The New Chief Commissioner, Mike Bush, can proudly accept the plaudits for this change under his regime and leadership.
Gofundme Link https://gofund.me/fafd2ae0
by CAA | Sep 5, 2025 | Library, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues
The CAA has had reports from concerned citizens that when they reported a crime in progress, the police refused to accept the report of a crime or respond to an incident.
They were told the offence was not committed on the caller, and it was up to the victim to contact the police.
We have now had the practice confirmed by Nick McGowan, a Member of Parliament, and consider the act a total abdication of the police role, by Police Force policy.
Based on the rationale of this strategy, it means that if a victim is unable to report the crime, perhaps because they are comatose as a consequence of criminal activity, any responsible citizen reporting the matter, not being the victim, would not have the report accepted or responded to.
Contrast that approach to the Police response to the home invasion experienced by Mick Malthouse, who fought off three perpetrators. Mick had nothing but praise for the police response, but isn’t he fortunate that his wife (also a victim) made the call to the Police and not a neighbour?
Mick was fortunate to avoid serious injury, but as with all these incidents, he was only a hair’s breadth away from serious injury from the crowbar-wielding crooks and took a blow to the arm rather than the head and narrowly avoided being seriously stabbed with a screwdriver.
The comparisons between McGowans’ and Malthouse’s experiences are hypocrisy writ large, or more accurately, seriously flawed policy.
We call on the Chief Commissioner to publicly apologise to McGowan and advise the public that the policy of rejecting a Police response on matters reported by non-victims is overturned. Vicpol will respond as soon as they can to all calls for help.
A cynic may suspect this is nothing more than some idiot trying to reduce the crime rate. If so, it is not the first time, and at the highest levels..
by CAA | Aug 27, 2025 | Blue Light, Library, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues
As the whole community reels from the shocking news of the wanton slaughter of two of Victoria’s finest and the severe wounding of their colleague at Porepunkah, in Northeast Victoria, there is substantial disquiet on social media about the Police Force’s media response.
The operational response from Victoria Police after the tragedy was as expected, and while the devastating news impacts everybody in the State and wider Australia, one group does it substantially harder: other Police.
The new Chief Commissioner, Mike Bush, spoke well to the media; however, it was questionable protocol that the Secretary of the Police Association, Wayne Gatt, should have also been given that privilege. Putting the Union Boss on the same level as the Chief Commissioner will have its critics and drawbacks as Bush evolves into the Chiefs’ role.
Accompanying the Chief Commissioner should have been the Officer in Charge of the operation. As there were ten members assigned, some planning would have been necessary, given that risks were already perceived, hence the necessity of swearing out and justifying the issuing of a warrant by a judicial officer. The local Area Commander, who should be in charge of such operations in the area, should have been present. A large portion of responsibility may rest with that officer.
The Commander didn’t need to speak, given the emotional impact of losing members under their command and their responsibility; however, it would be far more appropriate than the Union Boss, who has no operational responsibilities in this circumstance.
With social media abuzz with criticism of Gatt’s appearance, particularly from former members, it was a tactical error on the part of the Chief to allow this; it diluted his role.
All former Police will be disappointed that the Chief did not include them; however, the fact that the Union Boss didn’t include them either was not surprising given the Police Association’s long antipathy towards former members. The Chief, however, needs to be cut some slack; it is a horrific issue to deal with, as he is probably only just coming to terms with his new role.
Gatt, however, should have had the maturity and experience to hold his own press conference.
Again, the Force has failed to acknowledge the thousands of former Police officers who are just as impacted as the serving officers, some more so, particularly those who were involved in similar incidents during their service in the past.
The Shire of Mansfield, in their press release, were the only one, so far, to acknowledge former Police and the impact on them. Not surprising for Mansfield, as it is the only Town in Australia that has built a monument to fallen police in the town’s centre.
Ironically, Mansfield, also in the North-East of the State, had three police officers shot on the 26th of October 1878, in an ambush, but none survived.
The substantial monument in the centre of Town that everybody arriving and leaving must circumnavigate is a testament to the view that the community holds of the Police, both serving and former.
As the saying goes in Police parlance, ‘There is no more ex than an ex’ is a truism that the Force must deal with.
The silence that has fallen over the Force, referred to by Bush and Gatt, does not stop at the Police Station’s front door but extends into the former police community just as strongly.
One day, we can only hope that a Police executive will realise the value that the former Police continue to serve in the community long after they have handed in their batons.
There is a high degree of probability for all the rhetoric that the Force has espoused over the years about the value of a Police career and the bond of policing, it does not complete the circle, as once Police leave the Force, they are discarded, something not explained to new aspirational applicants who want to join the Force; callously you are only looked after when they need you.
Proud former Police, and that is by far the majority, do not hide from their former career and therefore are often sought out within their social groups and their community for advice on Police-related matters. Former police are overrepresented in leadership roles in the community, giving them significant influence.
Although their Oath of Office no longer binds them, the removal of that obligation is legislative and does not account for a career spanning 20-40+ years of living by that standard.
‘You can take a police officer out of policing, but you can’t take the policing out of police.’
At this time of grieving, it is opportune that the Force be reminded of the whole of the Police family and act accordingly.
by CAA | Aug 23, 2025 | Current, Library, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues, Youth
Royal Commissioner Natasha Stott Despoja urges South Australia to end ‘double standard’ on parents smacking children, Herald Sun, 20th August 2025.
“Smacking should be outlawed to stop parents abusing their children under the guise of discipline, according to a landmark inquiry into family violence in South Australia.
Children have told of being beaten or kept like prisoners by parents or carers who argue it is necessary to “correct” their behaviour.
Now Royal Commissioner Natasha Stott Despoja, who heard their heartbreaking stories, has called for an end to this “double standard”.
Interestingly, a poll of 3528 voters was asked, “Do you support a smacking ban?”
19% said, “Yes”, and 81% said, “No”.
In Victoria, there are already a plethora of rules and legislation preventing any form of corporal punishment in a vast range of circumstances where children need to be disciplined, with one common denominator: corporal punishment cannot be delivered to a child unless by a parent or carer.
- Common law permits only “reasonable” physical punishment, meaning:
- The child must be capable of understanding what they did wrong.
- The force used must not be excessive or unjustifiable.
- If the punishment crosses into abuse or causes injury, it may be prosecuted under existing assault legislation.
The current laws are adequate and have stood the test of time. The exposure during this South Australian Royal Commission highlighted not a flaw in the legislation but in those who administer it.
Reportedly, there were shocking incidents of child abuse presented to the Royal Commission, but if they were as bad as alleged, then why weren’t the perpetrators prosecuted?
The risk of this move by the Royal Commissioner risks colliding with another legal principle, as young children cannot be reasonably assumed always to tell the truth or understand the possible consequences of untruths. Without some form of corroboration, there is a need for caution.
Within a domestic dispute situation, it cannot be ruled out that the corporal punishment issue will not be weaponised, with coaching from one or the other of the domestic combatants.
A move for legislation to be inserted in the parent-child relationship exposes the community to another legal principle.
It is better that ten guilty persons escape than one innocent suffer – William Blackstone, 1760, English jurist.
This principle is one of the cornerstones of democracy as we know it, and any interference must be viewed through that prism.
There is no question that children must be protected, and as a general principle, must be listened to; however, as with most criminality, the accuser must be supported by corroborative evidence.
Again, the problems appear to be with those who administer the law, not the law itself.
However, the major flaw in taking this approach is that the defences that currently exist for corporal punishment work as a deterrent; the future without these guiding principles could have the opposite effect to that intended.
Parents who exercise corporal punishment outside the principles are not likely to comply with the legislation when they lose their temper, or are under the influence of alcohol or drugs, or are just belligerent in disciplining their children. The legislation in its current form is adequate to deal with these issues; it is more about how the law is administered, not the law itself.
We hear continually the whining of those in authority that the problem with miscreant children committing significant criminal offences, often against innocent victims, is parent-blaming. Perhaps the lack of discipline as a young child has a lot to do with it.
The courts, by not ensuring consequences for illegal behaviour, are a major contributor to the no consequence principle and, therefore, adverse outcomes for children and young people.
An unintended consequence of this move will remove any vestige of consequences for inappropriate behaviour, leading to more pain inflicted on the child as they grow to live in the real world without understanding that indiscretions come with sometimes very unpleasant consequences.
The ability for a child or young person to ‘Think twice’ before acting is lost.
The removal of the ability of a parent to physically discipline a child will sentence the child to convoluted lectures and verbal assaults, potentially causing much more damage to them than an appropriate tap on the backside to correct behaviour.
The psychological harm that is inflicted on young children can be more damaging than any smack, and a parent without parenting skills can cause irreparable damage by the use of verbal or non-verbal discipline incorrectly.
An experience where a mother in a supermarket with a misbehaving child entered into a rationalisation diatribe with the two-year-old to correct behaviour is a case in point. If that is the standard, the parent who adopts it will do more harm than good over the medium term.
The child was too young to understand, and being lectured to is highly probable a common experience with little weight given the child’s lack of reaction. Of course, the real shame is that the parent’s performance was perhaps more theatre for those around her, and the child suffers.
Perhaps removing the only method a parent can exercise within the given legal parameters of ‘reasonableness’ to discipline their child is the real hypocrisy, not the comparison with adult dysfunction.
by CAA | Aug 17, 2025 | Library, Politics, Uncategorized, Victoria Police Issues
As the CAA prepares for a meeting with the new Chief Commissioner, we ponder the circumstances that the Force now finds itself in.
As we reflect on the machinations that led to the appointment of Mr Bush, we cannot help but be concerned for the future of Policing in this State.
Without negative inflection on the current or former Chief Commissioner, the process, however, leads to some very grave concerns.
According to the Government, Shane Patton was removed because of a vote of no confidence by the membership.
Now, four Victorian Chief Commissioners of Police have faced votes of no confidence by police members, a worrying trend:
Jackson faced a vote of no confidence during his tenure, but remained in the role until his retirement. The specific reasons for the ballot are less documented, but it did not result in his removal.
Like Jackson, Miller also faced a no-confidence vote but survived it and continued to serve until the end of his term.
Although Kel Glare faced a Vote of no confidence during his tenure as Chief Commissioner, the vote was defeated.
In early 2025, 87% of the 14,571 Police Association members who voted expressed no confidence in Patton’s leadership. The vote was primarily driven by dissatisfaction over a prolonged pay dispute, staffing shortages, and rising crime rates.
Amongst those Chiefs that faced off with the membership, organised by the Police Association, Miller was arguably one of the longest serving Chiefs in recent history.
The no-confidence vote in Patton was driven by:
- A prolonged and unresolved pay dispute between the Police Association and the State Government, which had led to multiple stop-work actions and dissatisfaction among officers. ( A Government-controlled issue.)
- Concerns over leadership and morale, with police members feeling unsupported and frustrated by systemic issues such as resource shortages and repeat offending. (The repeat offending is primarily driven by the Courts and the Government’s lack of decisive legislative action.)
- Political pressure, with some Opposition figures suggesting Patton was used as a scapegoat for broader government failures in law and order, cannot be dismissed. (A not unreasonable assumption given the woeful efforts of the Government to provide a strong legislative base for effective policing.)
In each of these challenges, we would argue that although the number of members voting was substantial, the police members were led by the Bears within the organisation.
Now we have a new Chief Commissioner, Mike Bush, whom we hope will provide the leadership and direction that VicPol and the State so desperately need.
But our most significant concern is the precedent that the Government has established by sacking a Chief Commissioner on what seem to be spurious political grounds.
When analysing the causes of the Police discontent, the Government has not addressed the problems but kicked the can down the road, and members are no better off today than when they rose to challenge Patton.
All that effort for a sum-zero game.
And what is more alarming is that there does not appear to be any action on the horizon to address the members’ concerns.
It should be noted that Patton was not sacked for the unsatisfactory crime rates, or the burgeoning crime and the juvenile crime surge. The lack of safety the community experiences or the Road toll.
Neither was he sacked for the lack of prosecutions of those, particularly of high rank, who allegedly committed criminal acts surrounding the Gobbo Affair, which has left a sour taste with all former and serving Police officers of good character, a significant factor in Police disquiet.
He was, however, sacked because the Rank-and-File lost confidence, so it was their fault he was sacked, not the Government.
Now, where does that leave Mr Bush and other Chief Commissioners following him?
The Police Association now has a weapon to use against the Government, expecting any further votes of no confidence will see the sacking of the incumbent Chief Commissioner, and/or the Police leadership. It all comes down to whether the Bulls or the Bears hold sway within the Police Association Executive.
It is also concerning that this action by the Government opens the door for other industrial action of a similar nature by other Emergency Services at a minimum.
With their current action, the Government has substantially reduced their bargaining position and depleted the authority of the Chief Commissioner, which is likely to create more industrial friction rather than settle the disquiet.
You can bet that now, every time the Association comes to loggerheads with the Government or the Chief Commissioner, the threat of a vote of no confidence will be writ large.
We can foresee troubling times ahead, and ultimately, the concerns of the members that precipitated this vote will be left unaddressed; the Government will simply appoint a new Chief Commissioner.
To outsmart the poor treatment of Police members, the smart move will be for the Bears and the Bulls to support the New Chief.
A successful Chief, in the main areas of public concern, is far less vulnerable to the machinations of any Government. It empowers the Chief into a stronger negotiating position with the Government, to the benefit of all members and the community.
Let’s hope that sanity within the ranks prevails.
